The Book of the Governor

By Sir Thomas Elyot

(based on the edition reproduced by Scolar Press, 1970.)

The Proem of Thomas Elyot, knight, unto the most noble and victorious prince king Henry the eight, king of England and France, defender, of the true faith, and lord of Ireland.

Late considering (most excellent prince and my only redoubted sovereign lord) my duty that I owe to my natural country with my faith also of allegiance and oath, wherewith I am double bounden unto your majesty, moreover the account that I have to render for that one little talent delivered to me to employ (as I suppose) to the increase of virtue, I am (as God judge me) violently steered to divulge or set forth some part of my study, trusting thereby to acquit me of my duties to God, your highness, and this my country.

Wherefore taking comfort and boldness, partly of your grace's most benevolent inclination toward the universal weal of your subjects, partly inflamed with zeal, I have now enterprised to describe in our vulgar tongue the form of a just public weal: which matter I have gathered as well from most noble authors (Greeks and Latins) as by my own experience, I being continually trained in some daily affairs of the public weal of this your most noble realm almost from my childhood. Which attempt is not of presumption to teach any person, I myself having most need of teaching: but only to the intent that men who will be studious about the weal public may find the thing thereto expedient compendiously written. And forasmuch as this present book treateth of the education of them that hereafter may be deemed worthy to be governors of the public weal under your highness (which Plato affirmeth to be the first and chief part of a public weal; Solomon saying also where governors be not the people shall fall into ruin), I therefore have named it The Governor, and do now dedicate it unto your highness as the first fruits of my study, verily trusting that your most excellent wisdom will therein esteem my loyal heart and diligent endeavor by the example of Artaxerxes, the noble king of Persia, who rejected not the poor husbandman which offered to him his homely hands full of clean water, but most graciously received it with thanks, esteeming the present not after the value but rather to the will of the giver. Similarly king Alexander retained with him the poet Cherilus honorably for writing his history, although that the poet was but of a small estimation. Which that prince did not for lack of judgement, he being of excellent learning as disciple to Aristotle, but to the intent that his liberality employed on Cherilus should animate or give courage to others much better turned to contend with him in a similar enterprise.

And if, most virtuous prince, I may perceive your highness to be herewith pleased, I shall soon after (God giving me quietness) present your grace with the residue of my study and labours, wherein your highness shall well perceive that I nothing esteem so much in this world as your royal estate, (my most dear sovereign lord), and the public weal of my country. Protesting unto your excellent majesty that where I commend herein any one virtue or dispraise any one vice I mean the general description of the one and the other without any other particular meaning to the reproach of any one person. To the which protestation I am now driven through the malignity of this present time all disposed to malicious detraction. Wherefore I most humbly beseech your highness to deign to be patron and defender of this little work against the assaults of malign interpreters which fail not to rent and deface the renown of writers, they themselves being in nothing to the public weal profitable. Which is by no man sooner perceived than by your highness, being both in wisdom and very nobility equal to the most excellent princes, whom, I beseech God, ye may surmount in long life and perfect felicity. Amen.

The education or form of bringing up of the child of a gentleman which is to have authority in a public weal.

Forasmuch as all noble authors do conclude, and also common experience proveth, that where the governors of realms and cities be found adorned with virtues, and do employ their study and mind to the public weal, as well to the augmentation thereof as to the establishing and long continuance of the same, there a public weal must needs be both honorable and wealthy. To the intent that I will declare how such personages may be prepared, I will use the policy of a wise and cunning gardener, who purposing to have in his garden a fine and precious herb, that should be to him and all others repairing thereto excellently commodious or pleasant, he will first search throughout his garden where he can find the most mellow and fertile earth: and therein will he put the seed of the herb to grow and be nourished: and in most diligent wise attend that no weed be suffered to grow or approach nigh unto it: and to the intent it may thrive the faster, as soon as the form of an herb once appeareth, he will set a vessel of water by it, in such wise that it may continually distil on the root sweet drops; and as it springeth in stalk, under set it with some thing that it break not, and always keep it clean from weeds. Similar order will I pursue in the forming the gentle wits of noblemen's children, who, from the wombs of their mother, shall be made propitious or apt to the governance of a public weal.

First, they unto whom the bringing up of such children appertaineth, ought, against the time that their mother shall be of them delivered, to be sure of a nurse which should be of no servile condition or vice notable. For, as some ancient writers do suppose, oftentimes the child sucketh the vice of his nurse with the milk of her pap. And also observe that she be of mature or ripe age, not under 20 years, or above 30, her body also being clean from all sickness or deformity, and having her complexion most of the right and pure sanguine, forasmuch as the milk thereof coming excelleth all others both in sweetness and substance. Moreover to the nurse should be appointed another woman of approved virtue, discretion, and gravity, who shall not suffer, in the child's presence, to be shewed any act or taint dishonest, or any wanton or unclean word to be spoken: and for that cause all men, except physicians only, should be excluded and kept out of the nursery. Perchance some will scorn me for that I am so serious, saying that there is no such damage to be feared in an infant who for tenderness of years hath not the understanding to discern good from evil. And yet no man will deny, but in that innocency he will discern milk from butter, and bread from pap, and ere he can speak he will with his hand or countenance signify which he desireth. And I verily do suppose that in the brains and hearts of children, which be members spiritual, whiles they be tender, and the little slips of reason begin in them to burgeon, there may hap by evil custom some pestiferous dew of vice to pierce the said members, and infect and corrupt the soft and tender buds, whereby the fruit may grow wild, and some time contain in it fervent and mortal poison, to the utter destruction of a realm.

And we have in daily experience that little infants assayeth to follow not only the words, but also the faces and gesture of them that be further on in years. For we daily hear, to our great heaviness, children swear great oaths and speak lascivious and unclean words by the example of others whom they hear, whereat the lewd parents do rejoice, soon after, or in this world or elsewhere, to their great pain and torment. Contrariwise we behold some children, kneeling in their game before images, and holding up their little white hands, do move their pratty mouths as they were praying: others going and singing as it were in procession, whereby they do express their disposition to the imitation of those things, be they good or evil, which they usually do see or hear. Wherefore not only princes, but also all other children, from their nurse's paps, are to be kept diligently from the hearing or seeing of any vice or evil taint. And incontinent as soon as they can speak, it behoveth, with most pleasant allurings, to instill in them sweet manners and virtuous custom. Also to provide for them such companions and playfellows, which shall not do in his presence any reproachable act, or speak any unclean word or oath, neither to advance him with flattery, remembering his nobility, nor any other like thing wherein he might glory: unless it be to persuade him to virtue, or to withdraw him from vice, in the remembering to him the danger of his evil example. For noblemen more grievously offend by their example than by their deed. Yet often remembrance to them of their estate may happen to radicate in their hearts intolerable pride, the most dangerous poison to nobleness: wherefore there is required to be therein much precaution and soberness.

The order of learning that a nobleman should be trained in before he come to the age of seven years.

Some old authors hold opinion that, before the age of seven years, a child should not be instructed in letters; but those writers were either Greeks or Latins, among whom all doctrine and sciences were in their maternal tongues, by reason whereof they saved all that long time which at this day is spent in understanding perfectly the Greek or Latin. Wherefore it requireth now a longer time to the understanding of both. Therefore that infelicity of our time and country compelleth us to encroach somewhat upon the years of children, and especially of noblemen, that they may sooner attain to wisdom and gravity than private persons, considering, as I have said, their charge and example, which above all things is most to be esteemed. Notwithstanding, I would not have them enforced by violence to learn, but, according to the counsel of Quintilian, to be sweetly allured thereto with praises and such pretty gifts as children delight in. And their first letters to be painted or limned in a pleasant manner: wherein children of gentle courage have much delectation. And also there is no better allurement to noble wits than to induce them into a contention with their inferior companions: they sometime purposely suffering the more noble children to vanquish, and, as it were, giving to them place and sovereignty, though indeed the inferior children have more learning. But there can be nothing more convenient than by little and little to train and exercise them in speaking of Latin: informing them to know first the names in Latin of all things that cometh in sight, and to name all the parts of their bodies: and giving them somewhat that they covet or desire, in most gentlemanner to teach them to ask it again in Latin. And if by this means they may be induced understand and speak Latin: it shall afterwards be less grief to them, in a manner, to learn anything where they understand the language wherein it is written. And, as touching grammar, there is at this day better introductions and more facile than ever before were made, concerning as well Greek as Latin, if they be wisely chosen. And it shall be no reproach to a nobleman to instruct his own children, or at the least ways to examine them, by the way of dalliance or solace, considering that the emperor Octavius Augustus disdained not to read the works of Cicero and Virgil to his children and nephews. And why should not noblemen rather so do, than teach their children how at dice and cards they may cunningly lose and consume their own treasure and substance? Moreover teaching representeth the authority of a prince, wherefore Dionysus, king of Sicily, when he was for tyranny expelled by his people, he came into Italy, and there in a common school taught grammar, wherewith, when he was of his enemies upbraided and called a schoolmaster, he answered them, that although Sicilians had exiled him, yet in despite of them all he reigned, noting thereby the authority that he had over his scholars. Also when it was of him demanded what availed him Plato or philosophy, wherein he had been studious, he answered that they caused him to sustain adversity patiently, and made his exile to be more facile and easy: which courage and wisdom considered of his people, they eftsoons returned him unto his realm and estate royal, whereas, if he had procured against them hostility or wars, or had returned into Sicily with any violence, I suppose the people would have always resisted him, and have kept him in perpetual exile, as the Romans did the proud king Tarquin, whose son ravished Lucrece. But to return to my purpose, it shall be expedient that a nobleman's son, in his infancy, have with him continually only such as may accustom him by little and little to speak pure and elegant Latin. Similarly the nurses and other women about him, if it be possible, to do the same, or, at the least way, that they speak none English but that which is clean, polite, perfectly and articulately pronounced, omitting no letter or syllable, as foolish women oftentimes do of a wantonness, whereby diverse noblemen and gentlemen's children (as I do at this day know) have attained corrupt and foul pronunciation.

This industry used in forming little infants, who shall not doubt, but that they (not lacking natural wit) shall be apt to receive learning, when they come to more years? And in this wise may they be instructed without any violence or enforcing, using the more part of the time, until they come to the age of seven years, in such disports as do appertain to children, wherein is no resemblance or similitude of vice.

At what age a tutor should be provided, and what shall appertain to his office to do.

After that a child is come to seven years of age, I hold it expedient that he be taken from the company of women, saving that he may have one year, or two at the most, an ancient and sad matron attending on him in his chamber, which shall not have any young woman in her company: for though there be no peril of offence in that tender and innocent age, yet, in some children, nature is more prone to vice than to virtue, and in the tender wits be sparks of voluptuosity which, nourished by any occasion or object, increase oftentimes into so terrible a fire that therewith all virtue and reason is consumed. Wherefore to eschew that danger, the most sure counsel is to withdraw him from all company of women and to assign unto him a tutor which should be an ancient and worshipful man, in whom is approved to be much gentleness mixed with gravity, and, as nigh as can be, such one as the child by imitation following may grow to be excellent. And if he be also learned, he is the more commendable. Peleus, the father of Achilles, committed the governance of his son to Phoenix, which was a stranger born, who, as well in speaking elegantly as in doing valiantly, was master to Achilles (as Homer saith). How much profited it to king Philip, father to the great Alexander, that he was delivered in hostage to the Thebans? where he was kept and brought up under the governance of Epaminondas, a noble and valiant captain, of whom he received such learning, as well in acts martial as in other liberal sciences, that he excelled all other kings that were before his time in Greece, and finally, as well by wisdom as prowess subdued all that country. Similarly he ordained for his son Alexander a noble tutor called Leonidas, unto whom, for his wisdom, humanity, and learning, he committed the rule and preeminence over all the masters and servants of Alexander. In whom notwithstanding was such a familiar vice which Alexander apprehending in childhood could never abandon: some suppose it to be fury and hastiness, other superfluous drinking of wine, which of them it were, it is a good warning for gentlemen to be the more serious, insearching not only for the virtues, but also for the vices of them, unto whose tuition and governance they will commit their children.

The office of a tutor is first to know the nature of his pupil, that is to say, whereto he is most inclined or disposed, and in what thing he setteth his most delectation or appetite. If he be of nature courteous, piteous, and of a free and liberal heart, it is a principal token of grace (as it is by all scripture determined). Then shall a wise tutor purposely commend those virtues, extolling also his pupil for having of them; and therewith he shall declare them to be of all men most fortunate which shall happen to have such a nature. And moreover shall declare to him what honour, what love, what commodity shall happen to him by these virtues. And, if any have been of disposition contrary, then to express the enormities of their vice, with as much detestation as may be. And if any danger have thereby ensued, misfortune, or punishment, to aggrieve it in such wise, with so vehement words, as the child may abhor it, and fear the similar adventure.

In what wise music may be to a nobleman necessary: and what modesty ought to be therein.

The discretion of a tutor consisteth in temperance, that is to say, that he suffer not the child to be fatigued with continual study or learning, wherewith the delicate and tender wit may be dulled or oppressed, but that there may be therewith interlaced and mixed some pleasant learning and exercise, as playing on instruments of music, which moderately used and without diminution of honour, that is to say without wanton countenance and dissolute gesture, is not to be contemned. For the noble king and prophet David, king of Israel (whom almighty God said that he had chosen as a man according to his own heart or desire) during his life delighted in music: and with the sweet harmony that he made on his harp, he constrained the evil spirit that vexed king Saul to forsake him, continuing the time that he harped.

The most noble and valiant princes of Greece oftentimes to recreate their spirits and in augmenting their courage, embraced instruments musical. So did the valiant Achilles (as Homer saith) who after the sharp and vehement contention between him and Agamemnon for the taking away of his concubine: whereby he, being set in a fury, had slain Agamemnon, emperor of the Greek's army, had not Pallas the goddess withdrawn his hand; in which rage he, all inflamed, departed with his people to his own ships that lay at road, intending to have returned into his country; but after that he had taken to him his harp (whereon he had learned to play of Chiron the Centaur, which also had taught him feats of arms, with physic, and surgery) and playing thereon had sung the gests and acts martial of the ancient princes of Greece, as Hercules, Perseus, Perithous, Theseus, and his cousin Jason, and of diverse others of similar valour and prowess; he was therewith assuaged of his fury and reduced into his first estate of reason, in such wise, that in redoubling his rage, and that thereby should not remain to him any note of reproach, he retaining his fierce and sturdy countenance, so tempered himself in the entertainment and answering the messengers that came to him from the residue of the Greeks that they, reputing all that his fierce demeanor to be (as it were) a divine majesty, never upbraided him with any inordinate wrath or fury. And therefore the great king Alexander, when he had vanquished Ilion, where some time was set the most noble city of Troy, being demanded of one if he would see the harp of Paris Alexander, who ravished Helen, he thereat gently smiling answered that it was not the thing that he much desired, but that he had rather see the harp of Achilles, whereto he sang not the enticing delectations of Venus, but the valiant acts and noble affairs of excellent princes.

But in this commendation of music I would not be thought to allure noblemen to have so much delectation therein that in playing and singing only they should put their whole study and felicity: as did the emperor Nero, which all a long summer's day would sit in the Theatre (an open place where all the people of Rome beheld solemn acts and plays) and, in the presence of all the noblemen and senators, would play on his harp and sing without ceasing; and if any man happened, by long sitting, to sleep, or by any other countenance, to shew himself to be weary, he was suddenly bobbed on the face by the servants of Nero, for that purpose attending: or if any person were perceived to be absent, or were seen to laugh at the folly of the emperor, he was forthwith accused as it were of misprision, whereby the emperor found occasion to commit him to prison or to put him to tortures. O what misery was it to be subject to such a minstrel, in whose music was no melody but anguish and dolor?

It were therefore better that no music were taught to a nobleman than, by the exact knowledge thereof, he should have therein inordinate delight, and by that be enticed to wantonness, abandoning gravity and the necessary cure and office in the public weal to him committed. King Philip, when he heard that his son Alexander did sing sweetly and properly, he rebuked him gently, saying, "But, Alexander, be ye not ashamed that ye can sing so well and cunningly?" whereby he meant that the open profession of that craft was but of a base estimation. And that it sufficed a nobleman, having therein knowledge, either to use it secretly, for the refreshing of his wit when he hath time of solace: or else only hearing the contention of noble musicians, to give judgement in the excellency of their cunnings. These be the causes whereunto having regard, music is not only tolerable but also commendable. For, as Aristotle saith, music in the old time was numbered among sciences, or as much as nature seeketh not only how to be in business well occupied, but also how in quietness to be commendably disposed.

And if the child be of a perfect inclination and towardness to virtue, and very aptly disposed to this science, and ripely doth understand the reason and concordance of tunes, the tutor's office shall be to persuade him to have principally in remembrance his estate, which maketh him exempt from the liberty of using this science in every time and place: that is to say, that it only serveth for recreation after tedious or laborious affairs, and to shew him that a gentleman, playing or singing in a common audience, impaireth his estimation, the people forgetting reverence when they behold him in the similitude of a common servant or minstrel. Yet notwithstanding he shall commend the perfect understanding of music, declaring how necessary it is for the better attaining the knowledge of a public weal: which, as I before have said, is made of an order of estates and degrees, and by reason thereof containeth in it a perfect harmony: which he shall afterward more perfectly understand when he shall happen to read the books of Plato and Aristotle of public weals: wherein be written diverse examples of music and geometry. In this form may a wise and circumspect tutor adapt the pleasant science of music to a necessary and laudable purpose.

That it is commendable in a gentleman to paint and carve exactly if nature thereto doth induce him.

If the child be of nature inclined (as many have been) to paint with a pen, or to form images in stone or tree, he should not be therefrom withdrawn, or nature be rebuked, which is to him benevolent: but putting one to him, which is in that craft wherein he delighteth most excellent, in vacant times from other more serious learning he should be, in the most pure wise, instructed in painting or carving.

And now perchance some envious reader will hereof apprehend occasion to scorn me, saying that I have well hied me to make of a nobleman a mason or painter. And yet, if either ambition or voluptuous idleness would have suffered that reader to have seen histories, he should have found excellent princes, as well in painting as in carving, equal to noble artificers: such were Claudius, Titus the son of Vaspasian, Hadrian, both Antonines, and diverse other emperors and noble princes whose works of long time remained in Rome and other cities in such places where all men might behold them:as monuments of their excellent wits and virtuous occupation in eschewing of idleness. And not without a necessary cause princes were in their childhood so instructed: for it served them afterward for devising of engines for the war, or for making them better that be already devised. For as Vitruvius (which writeth of building to the emperor Augustus) saith, All torments of war, which we call ordinance, were first invented by kings or governors of hosts, or if they were devised by others, they were by them made much better. Also, by the feat of portraiture or painting a captain may describe the country of his adversary, whereby he shall eschew the dangerous passages with his host or navy, also perceive the places of advantage, the form of embattling of his enemies, the situation of his camp for his most surety, the strength or weakness of the town or fortress which he intendeth to assault. And that which is most especially to be considered, in visiting his own dominions, he shall set them out in figure, in such wise that at his eye shall appear to him where he shall employ his study and treasure, as well for the safeguard of his country as for the commodity and honour thereof, having at all times in his sight the surety and feebleness, advancement and hindrance, of the same. And what pleasure and also utility is it to a man which intendeth to edify, himself to express the figure of the work that he purposeth, according as he hath conceived it in his own fantasy? wherein by often amending and correcting he finally shall so perfect the work unto his purpose, that there shall neither ensue any repentance, nor in the employment of his money he shall be by others deceived. Moreover the feat of portraiture shall be an allurement to every other study or exercise. For the wit thereto disposed shall always covet congruent matter wherein it may be occupied. And when he happeneth to read or hear any fable or history, forthwith he apprehendeth it more desirously and retaineth it better than any other that lacketh the said feat: by reason that he hath found matter apt to his fantasy. Finally, every thing that portraiture may comprehend will be to him delectable to read or hear. And where the lively spirit and that which is called the grace of the thing is perfectly expressed, that thing more persuadeth and stirreth the beholder, and sooner instructeth him, than the declaration in writing or speaking doth the reader or hearer. Experience we have thereof in learning of geometry, astronomy, and cosmography, called in English the description of the world. In which studies I dare affirm a man shall more profit in one week, by figures and charts well and perfectly made, than he shall by the only reading or hearing the rules of that science by the space of half a year at the least, wherefore the late writers deserve no small commendation which added to the authors of those sciences apt and proper figures.

And he that is perfectly instructed in portraiture, and happeneth to read any noble and excellent history, whereby his courage is inflamed to the imitation of virtue, he forth with taketh his pen or pencil, and with a grave and substantial study, gathering to him all the parts of imagination, endeavoureth himself to express lively and (as I might say) actually, in portraiture, not only the fact or affaire, but also the sundry affections of every personage in the history recited, which might in any wise appear or be perceived in their visage, countenance or gesture, with like diligence as Lysippus made in metal king Alexander, fighting and struggling with a terrible lion of incomparable magnitude and fierceness, whom, after long and difficulty battle, with wonderful strength and clean might, at the last he overthrew and vanquished; wherein he so expressed the similitude of Alexander and of his lords standing about him that they all seemed to live, among whom the prowess of Alexander appeared excelling all others the residue of his lords, after the value and estimation of their courage, every man set out in such forwardness, as they than seemed more prompt to the helping of their master, that is to say, one less afraid than another. Phidias the Athenian, whom all writers do commend, made of ivory the simulacrum or image of Jupiter, honoured by the gentiles on the high hill of Olympus, which was done so excellently that Pandenus, a cunning painter, thereat admarvelling, required the crafts man to shewe him where he had the example or pattern of so noble a work. Then Phidias answered that he had taken it out of three verses of Homer the poet: the sentence whereof ensueth, as well as my poor wit can express it in English

Than Jupiter the father of them all
Thereto assented with his brows black,
Shaking his hair, and therewith did let fall
A countenance that made all heaven to quake,

where it is to be noted that immediately before, Thetis the mother of Achilles desired Jupiter importunately to incline his favour to the part of the Trojans.

Now (as I have before said) I intend not, by these examples, to make of a prince or nobleman's son a common painter or carver, which shall present himself openly stained or imbrued with sundry colours, or powdered with the dust of stones that he cutteth, or perfumed with tedious savours of the metals by him cast.

But verily my intent and meaning is only that a noble child, by his own natural disposition and not by coercion, may be induced to receive perfect instruction in these sciences. But although, for purposes before expressed they shall be necessary, yet shall they not be by him exercised, but as a secret pastime or recreation of the wits, late occupied in serious studies, like as did the noble princes before named. Although they once being attained be never much exercised, after that the time cometh concerning business of greater importance. Nevertheless the exquisite knowledge and understanding that he hath in these sciences hath impressed in his ears and eyes an exact and perfect judgement, as well in discerning the excellency of them, which either in music or in statuary or painters craft, professeth any cunning, as also adapting their said knowledge to the support of other serious studies and business, as I have before rehearsed: which I doubt not shall be well approved by them that either have read and understand old authors, or advisedly will examine my considerations.

The sweet writer, Lactantius, saith in his first book to the emperor Constantine against the gentiles, "Of cunning cometh virtue, and of virtue perfect felicity is only engendered."

And for that cause the gentiles supposed those princes which in virtue and honour surmounted other men to be gods. And the Romans in like wise did consecrate their emperors, which excelled in virtuous example, in preserving or augmenting the public weal, and amplifying of the empire, calling them Divi, which word representeth a signification of divinity, they thinking that it was exceeding man's nature to be both in fortune and goodness of such perfection.

What exact diligence should be in choosing masters.

After that the child hath been pleasantly trained, and induced to know the parts of speech, and can separate one of them from another, in his own language, it shall then be time that his tutor or governor do make diligent search for such a master as is excellently learned both in Greek and Latin, and therewithal is of sober and virtuous disposition, especially chaste of living, and of much affability and patience, lest by any unclean example the tender mind of the child may be infected, hard afterward to be recovered. For the natures of children be not so much or soon advanced by things well done or spoken, as they be hindered and corrupted by that which in acts or words is wantonly expressed. Also by a cruel and ireful master, the wits of children be dulled; and that thing for the which children be oftentimes beaten is to them ever after fastidious, whereof we need no better author for witness than daily experience. Wherefore the most necessary things to be observed by a master in his disciples or scholars (as Licon the noble grammarian said) is shamfastness and praise. By shamfastness, as it were with a bridle, they rule as well their deeds as their appetites. And desire of praise addeth, too, a sharp spur to their disposition toward learning and virtue. According there unto Quintilian, instructing an orator, desireth such a child to be given unto him, whom commendation fervently steereth, glory provoketh, and being vanquished weepeth. That child (saith he) is to be fed with ambition who a little chiding sore biteth, in him no part of sloth is to be feared. And if nature disposeth not the child's wit to receive learning, but rather otherwise, it is to be applied with more diligence and also policy, as chasing some book whereof the argument or matter approacheth most nigh to the child's inclination or fantasy, so that it be not extremely vicious, and therewith by little and little, as it were with a pleasant sauce, provoke him to have good appetite to study. And surely that child what so ever he be is well blessed and fortunate that findeth a good instructor or master: which was considered by noble king Philip, father to the great king Alexander, who immediately after that his son was born wrote a letter to Aristotle, the prince of philosophers, the tenor hereof ensueth.

Aristotle, we greet you well. Letting you weet that we have a son born, for the which we give due thanks unto God, not for that he is born only, but so forasmuch as it happeneth him to be born, you living. Trusting that it shall happen that he, by you taught and instructed, shall be hereafter worthy to be named our son, and to enjoy the honour and substance that we now have provided. Thus fare ye well.

The same Alexander was wont to say openly, that he ought to give as great thanks to Aristotle his master as to king Philip his father, for of him he took the occasion to live, of the others he received the reason and way to live well. And what manner a prince Alexander was made by the doctrine of Aristotle it shall appear in diverse places of this book, where his example to princes shall be declared. The incomparable benefit of masters have been well remembered of diverse princes. In so much as Marcus Antoninus, who among the emperors was commended for his virtue and sapience, had his master Proculus (who taught him grammar) so much in favour that he advanced him to be proconsul, which was one of the highest dignities among the Romans.

Alexander the emperor caused his master Julius Fronto to be consul, which was the highest office, and in estate next the emperor, and also obtained of the senate that the statue or image of Fronto was set up among the noble princes.

What caused Trajan to be so good a prince, in so much that of late days when an emperor received his crown at Rome, the people with a common cry desired of God that he might be as good as was Trajan, but that he happened to have Plutarch the noble philosopher to be his instructor? I agree me that some be good of natural inclination to goodness, but where good instruction and example is thereto added, the natural goodness must therewith needs be amended and be more excellent.

What order should be in learning and which authors should be first read.

Now let us return to, the order of learning apt for a gentleman. Wherein I am of the opinion of Quintilian that I would have him learn Greek and Latin authors both at one time: or else to begin with Greek, forasmuch as that it is hardest to come by: by reason of the diversity of tongues, which be five in number, and all must be known, or else not easily can any poet be well understood. And if a child do begin therein at seven years of age, he may continually learn Greek authors three years, and in the mean time use the Latin tongue as a familiar language, which in a nobleman's son may well come to pass, having none other persons to serve him or keeping him company but such as can speak Latin elegantly. And what doubt is there but so may he as soon speak good Latin as he may do pure French, which now is brought into as many rules and figures and as long a grammar as is Latin or Greek. I will not contend who, among them that do write grammars of Greek (which now almost be innumerable) is the best, but that I refer to the discretion of a wise master. Always I would advise him not to detain the child to long in that tedious labour, either in the Greek or Latin grammar. For a gentle wit is therewith soon fatigued.

Grammar being but an introduction to the understanding of authors, if it be made too long or exquisite to the learner, it in a manner mortifieth his courage. And by the time he cometh to the most sweet and pleasant reading of old authors, the sparks of fervent desire of learning are extinct with the burden of grammar, like as a little fire is soon quenched with a great heap of small sticks, so that it can never come to the principal logs where it should long burn in a great pleasant fire.

Now to follow my purpose: after a few and quick rules of grammar, immediately, or interlacing it therewith, would be read to the child Aesop's fables in Greek, in which argument children much do delight. And surely it is a much pleasant lesson and also profitable as well for that it is elegant and brief (and notwithstanding it hath much variety in words, and therewith much helpeth to the understanding of Greek) as also in those fables is included much moral and politic wisdom. Wherefore, in the teaching of them, the master diligently must gather together those fables which may be most accommodate to the advancement of some virtue whereto he perceiveth the child inclined, or to the rebuke of some vice whereto he findeth his nature disposed. And therein the master ought to exercise his wit, as well to make the child plainly to understand the fable, as also declaring the signification thereof compendiously and to the purpose, foreseen always, that, as well this lesson as all other authors which the child shall learn, either Greek or Latin, verse or prose, be perfectly had without the book, whereby he shall not only attain plenty of the tongues called copia, but also increase and nourish remembrance wonderfully.

The next lesson would be some quick and merry dialogs elect out of Lucian, which be without ribaldry or too much scorning, for either of them is exactly to be eschewed, especially for a nobleman, the one annoying the soul, the other his estimation concerning his gravity. The comedies of Aristophanes may be in the place of Lucian, and by reason that they be in meter they be the sooner learned by heart. I dare make none other comparison between them for offending the friends of them both: but thus much dare I say, that it were better that a child should never read any part of Lucian than all Lucian.

I could rehearse diverse other poets who for matter and eloquence be very necessary, but I fear me to be too long from noble Homer, from whom as from a fountain proceeded all eloquence and learning. For in his books be contained and most perfectly expressed not only the documents martial and discipline of arms, but also incomparable wisdoms and instructions for politic governance of people, with the worthy commendation and laud of noble princes: wherewith the readers shall be so all inflamed that they most fervently shall desire and covet, by the imitation of their virtues, to acquire similar glory. For the which occasion, Aristotle, most sharpest witted and excellent learned Philosopher, as soon as he had received Alexander from king Philip his father, he before any other thing taught him the most noble works of Homer, wherein Alexander found such sweetness and fruit that ever after he had Homer not only with him in all his journeys, but also laid him under his pillow when he went to rest, and oftentimes would purposely wake some hours of the night, to take as it were his pastime with that most noble poet.

For by the reading of his work called The Iliad, where the assembly of the most noble Greeks against Troy is recited with their affairs, he gathered courage and strength against his enemies, wisdom, and eloquence, for consultations, and persuasions to his people and army. And by the other work called The Odyssey, which recounteth the sundry adventures of the wise Ulysses, he, by the example of Ulysses, apprehended many noble virtues, and also learned to escape the fraud and deceitful imaginations of sundry and subtle crafty wits. Also there shall he learn to ensearch and perceive the manners and conditions of them that be his familiars, sifting out (as I might say) the best from the worst, whereby he may surely committee his affairs, and trust to every person after his virtues. Therefore I now conclude that there is no lesson for a young gentleman to be compared with Homer, if he be plainly and substantially expounded and declared by the master.

Notwithstanding, forasmuch as the said works be very long, and do require therefore a great time to be all learned and kenned, some Latin author would be therewith mixed, and especially Virgil; which, in his work called The Aeneid, is most like to Homer, and almost the same Homer in Latin. Also, by the joining together of those authors, the one shall be the better understood by the other. And verily (as I before said) no one author serveth to so diverse wits as doth Virgil. For there is not that affect or desire whereto any child's fantasy is disposed, but in some of Virgil's works may be found matter thereto apt and propitious.

For what thing can be more familiar than his bucolics? nor no work so nigh approacheth to the common dalliance and manners of children, and the pratty controversies of the simple shepherds therein contained wonderfully rejoiceth the child that heareth it well declared, as I know by my own experience. In his Georgics, lord! what pleasant variety there is: the diverse grains, herbs, and flowers that be there described, that reading therein, it seemeth to a man to be in a delectable garden or paradise. What ploughman knoweth so much of husbandry as there is expressed? who, delighting in good horses, shall not be thereto more enflamed, reading there of the breeding, chesinge, and keeping of them? In the declaration whereof Virgil leaveth far behind him all breeders, hackneymen, and riders.

Is there any astronomer that more exactly setteth out the order and course of the celestial bodies or that more truly doth divine in his prognostications of the times of the year, in their qualities, with the future estate of all things provided by husbandry, than Virgil doth recite in that work?

If the child have a delight in hunting, what pleasure shall he take of the fable of Aristeus similarly in the hunting of Dido and Aeneas, which is described most elegantly in his book of The Aeneid. If he have pleasure in wrestling, running, or other like exercise, where shall he see any more pleasant esbatementes, than that which was done by Euryalus and other Trojans, which accompanied Aeneas? If he take solace in hearing minstrels, what minstrel may be compared to Jopas, which sang before Dido and Aeneas? or to blind Demodocus, that played and sang most sweetly at the dinner, that the king Alcinous made to Ulysses, whose ditties and melody excelled as far the songs of our minstrels, as Homer and Virgil excel all other poets.

If he be more desirous (as the most part of children be) to hear things marvelous and exquisite, which, hath in it a visage of some things incredible, whereat shall he more wonder than when he shall behold Aeneas follow Sibylla into hell? What shall he more dread than the terrible visages of Cerberus, Gorgon, Megaera, and other furies and monsters? How shall he abhor tyranny, fraud, and avarice, when he doth see the pains of duke Theseus, Prometheus, Sisyphus, and such other tormented for their dissolute and vicious living? How glad soon after shall he be, when he shall behold, in the pleasant fields of Eleusis, the souls of noble princes and captains who, for their virtue and labours in advancing the public weals of their countries, do live eternally in pleasure inexplicable. And in the last books of The Aeneid shall he find matter to minister to him audacity, valiant courage, and policy, to take and sustain noble enterprises, if any shall be needful for the assailing of his enemies.

Finally (as I have said) this noble Virgil, like to a good nurse, giveth to a child, if he will take it, every thing apt for his wit and capacity, wherefore he is in the order of learning to be preferred before any other author Latin. I would set next unto him two books of Ovid, the one called Metamorphosis, which is as much to say as, changing of men into other figure or form, the other is entitled De Faustis where the ceremonies of the gentiles, and especially the Romans, be expressed, both right necessary for the understanding of other poets. But because there is little other learning in them, concerning either virtuous manners or policy, I suppose it were better that as fables and ceremonies happen to come in a lesson, it were declared abundantly by the master, than that in the said two books a long time should be spent and almost lost, which might be better employed on such authors that do minister both eloquence, civil policy, and exhortation to virtue. Wherefore in his place let us bring in Horace, in whom is contained much variety of learning and quickness of sentence.

This poet may be interlaced with the lesson of The Odyssey of Homer, wherein is declared the wonderful prudence and fortitude of Ulysses in his passage from Troy. And if the child were induced to make verses by the imitation of Virgil and Homer, it should minister to him much delectation and courage to study: ne the making of verses is not discommended in a nobleman, since the noble Augustus and almost all the old emperors made books in verses.

The two noble poets Silius, and Lucian be very expedient to be learned, for the one setteth out the emulation in qualities and prowess of two noble and valiant captains, one enemy to the other, that is to say, Silius writeth of Scipio the Roman and Hannibal duke of Cartagenansis, Lucian declareth a similar matter, but much more lamentable, forasmuch as the wars were civil, and, as it were, in the bowels of the Romans, that is to say, under the standards of Julius Caesar and Pompeii.

Hesiod in Greek is more brief than Virgil where he writeth of husbandry, and doth not rise so high in philosophy . But is fuller of fables and therefore is more enticing.

And here I conclude to speak any more of poets, necessary for the childhood of a gentleman: forasmuch as these, I doubt not, will suffice until he pass the age of 13 years. In which time childhood declineth, and reason waxeth ripe, and apprehendeth things with a more constant judgement. Here I would should be remembered, that I require not that all these works should be thoroughly read of a child in this time, which were almost impossible. But I only desire that they have, in every of the said books, so much instruction that they may take thereby some profit.

Then the child's courage, inflamed by the frequent reading of noble poets, daily more and more desireth to have experience in those things that they so vehemently do commend in them, that they write of Leonidas the noble king of Spartans, being once demanded of what estimation in poetry Tirtaeus (as he supposed) was, it is written that he answering said that, for steering the minds of young men he was excellent, forasmuch as they, being moved with his verses, do run into the battle regarding no peril, as men all inflamed in martial courage.

And when a man is come to mature years and that reason in him is confirmed with serious learning and long experience, then shall he, in reading tragedies, execrate and abhor the intolerable life of tyrants, and shall contemn the folly and dotage expressed by poets lascivious.

Here will I leave to speak of the first part of a nobleman's study; and now will I write of the second part, which is more serious, and containeth in it sundry manners of learning.

The most commodious and necessary studies succeeding ordinally the lesson of poets.

After that fourteen. years be passed of a child's age, his master if he can, or some other studiously exercised in the art of an orator, shall first read to him somewhat of that part of logic that is called Topica, either of Cicero, or else of that noble clerk of Germany who late flowered, called Agricola, whose work prepareth invention, telling the places from whence an argument for the proof of any matter may be taken with little study, and that lesson, with much and diligent learning, having mixed therewith none other exercise, will in the space of half a year be perfectly kenned. Immediately after that, the art of Rhetoric would be similarly taught, either in Greek out of Hermogenes, or of Quintilian in Latin, beginning at the third book, and instructing diligently the child in that part of rhetoric, principally, which concerneth persuasion, forasmuch as it is most apt for consultations. There can be no shorter instruction of Rhetoric than the treatise that Tully wrote unto his son, which book is named the partition of rhetoric. And in good faith, to speak boldly that I think, for him that needeth not, or doth not desire to be an exquisite orator, the little book made by the famous Erasmus, (whom all gentle wits are bounden to thank and support) which he calleth Copiam Verborum et Rerum, that is to say, "plenty in words and matter," shall be sufficient.

Isocrates, concerning the lesson of orators, is everywhere wonderfully profitable, having almost as many wise sentences as he hath words, and with that is so sweet and delectable to read, that after him almost all others seem unsavory and tedious; and in persuading, as well a prince as a private person, to virtue, in two very little and compendious works, whereof he made the one to king Nicocles, the other to his friend Demonicus, would be perfectly kenned and had in continual memory.

Demosthenes and Tully, by the consent of all learned men, have preeminence and sovereignty over all orators: the one reigning in wonderful eloquence in the public weal of the Romans, who had the empire and dominion of all the world: the other, of no less estimation, in the city of Athens, which of long time was accounted the mother of Sapience and the palace of muses and all liberal sciences. Of which two orators may be attained, not only eloquence excellent and perfect, but also precepts of wisdom and gentlemanners, with most commodious examples of all noble virtues and policy. Wherefore the master, in reading them, must well observe and express the parts and colours of rhetoric in them contained, according to the precepts of that art before learned.

The utility that a nobleman shall have by reading these orators is that when he shall hap to reason in counsel, or shall speak in a great audience, or to strange ambassadors of great princes, he shall not be constrained to speak words sudden and disordered, but shall bestow them aptly and in their places. Wherefore the most noble emperor Octavius is highly commended, for that he never spoke in the Senate, or to the people of Rome, but in an oration prepared and purposely made.

Also to prepare the child to understanding of histories, which, being replenished with the names of countries and towns unknown to the reader, do make the history tedious or else the less pleasant, so if they be in any wise known, it increaseth an inexplicable delectation. It shall be therefore, and also for refreshing the wit, a convenient lesson to behold the old tables of Ptolemy, wherein all the world is painted, having first some introduction into the sphere, whereof now of late be made very good treatises, and more plain and easy to learn than was wont to be.

Albeit there is none so good learning as the demonstration of cosmography by material figures and instruments, having a good instructor. And surely this lesson is both pleasant and necessary. For what pleasure is it, in one hour, to behold those realms, cities, sees, rivers, and mountains, that not easily in a whole man's life can be journeyed and pursued: what incredible delight is taken in beholding the diversity of people, beasts, fowls, fishes, trees, fruits, and herbs: to know the sundry manners and conditions of people, and the variety of their natures, and that in a warm study or parlor, without peril of the sea, or danger of long and painful journeys; I cannot tell what more pleasure should happen to a gentle wit, than to behold in his own house every thing that with in all the world is contained. The commodity thereof knew the great king Alexander, as some writers do remember. For he caused the countries whereunto he purposed any enterprise, diligently and cunningly to be described and painted, that beholding the picture, he might perceive which places were most dangerous, and where he and his host might have most easy and convenient passage. Similarly did the Romans in the rebellion of France and the insurrection of their confederates, setting up a table openly wherein Italy was painted, to the intent that the people looking in it should reason and consult in which places it were best to resist or invade their enemies.

I omit, for length of the matter, to write of Cirus, the great king of Persia, Crassus the Roman, and diverse other valiant and expert captains, which have lost themselves and all their army by ignorance of this doctrine.

Wherefore it may not be of any wise man denied, but that Cosmography is to all noblemen not only pleasant, but profitable also, and wonderful necessary.

In the part of cosmography wherewith history is mingled Strabo reigneth, who took his argument of the divine poet Homer. Also Strabo himself, (as he saith) laboured a great part of Africa and Egypt, where undoubtedly be many things to be marveled at. Solinus writeth almost in like form, and is more brief, and hath much more variety of things and matter, and is therefore marvelous delectable; yet Mela is much shorter, and his stile (by reason that it is of a more antiquity) is also more clean and facile. Wherefore he, or Dionysus, shall be sufficient.

Cosmography being substantially perceived, it is then time to induce a child to the reading of histories but first, to set him in a fervent courage, the master in the most pleasant and elegant wise expressing what incomparable delectation, utility, and commodity shall happen to emperors, kings, princes, and all other gentlemen by reading of histories, showing to him that Demetrius Phalareus, a man of excellent wisdom and learning, and which in Athens had been long exercised in the public weal, exhorted Ptolemy, king of Egypt, chiefly above all other studies, to haunt and embrace histories, and such other books wherein were contained precepts made to kings and princes, saying that in them he should read those things which no man durst report unto his person. Also Cicero, father of the Latin eloquence, calleth an history the witness of times, mistress of life, the life of remembrance, of truth the light, and messenger of antiquity.

Moreover, the sweet Isocrates exhorteth the king Nicocles, whom he instructeth, to leave behind him statues and images that shall represent rather the figure and similitude of his mind, than the features of his body, signifying thereby the remembrance of his acts written in histories.

By similar advertisements shall a noble heart be trained to delight in histories. And then, according to the counsel of Quintilian, it is best that he begin with Titus Livy, not only for his elegancy of writing, which floweth in him like a fountain of sweet milk: but also forasmuch as by reading that author he may know how the most noble city of Rome, of a small and poor beginning, by prowess and virtue, little and little came to the empire and dominion of all the world.

Also in that city he may behold the form of a public weal which, if the insolence and pride of Tarquin had not excluded kings out of the city, it had been the most noble and perfect of all others.

Xenophon, being both a philosopher and an excellent captain, so invented and ordered his work named Paedia Cyri, which may be interpreted the Childhood or Discipline of Cyrus, that he leaveth to the readers thereof an incomparable sweetness and example of living, especially for the conducting and well ordering of hosts or armies. And therefore the noble Scipio, who was called Africanus, as well in peace as in war was never seen without this book of Xenophon.

With him may be joined Quintus Curtius, who writeth the life of king Alexander elegantly and sweetly. In whom may be found the figure of an excellent prince, as he that incomparably excelled all other kings and emperors in wisdom, hardiness, strength, policy, agility, valiant courage, nobility, liberality and courtesy: wherein he was a spectacle or mark for all princes to look on. Contrariwise when he was once vanquished with voluptuousness and pride his tyranny and beastly cruelty abhoreth all readers. The comparison of the virtues of these two noble princes, equally described by two excellent writers well expressed, shall provoke a gentle courage to contend to follow their virtues.

Julius Caesar and Salust for their compendious writing to the understanding whereof is required an exact and perfect judgement, and also for the exquisite order of battle and continuing of the history without any variety, whereby the pain of study should be alleviate, they two would be reserved until he that shall read them shall see some experience in similar matters. And then shall he find in them such pleasure and commodity as therewith a noble and gentle heart ought to be satisfied. For in them both it shall seem to a man that he is present and heareth the counsels and exhortations of captains, which be called conciones, and that he seeth the order of hosts when they be embattled, the fierce assaults and encounterings of both armies, the furious rage of that monster called war. And he shall ween that he heareth the terrible dints of sundry weapons and ordinance of battle, the conduct and polices of wise and expert captains, especially in the commentaries of Julius Caesar, which he made of his exploits in France and Britain, and other countries now reckoned among the provinces of Germany, which book is studiously to be read of the princes of this realm of England and their counselors, considering that thereof may be taken necessary instructions concerning the wars against Irish men or Scots, who be of the same rudeness and wild disposition that the Swiss and Britons were in the time of Caesar. Similar utility shall be found in the history of Titus Livy, in his third Decades, where he writeth of the battles that the Romans had with Hannibal and the Carthaginians.

Also there be diverse orations, as well in all the books of the said authors as in the history of Cornelius Tacitus, which be very delectable, and for counsels very expedient to be had in memory. And in good faith I have often thought that the consultations and orations written by Tacitus do import a majesty with a compendious eloquence therein contained. In the learning of these authors a young gentleman shall be taught to note and mark, not only the order and elegancy in declaration of the history, but also the occasion of the wars, the counsels and preparations on either part, the estimation of the captains, the manner and form of their governance, the continuance of the battle, the fortune and success of the whole affairs. Similarly out of the wars in other daily affairs, the estate of the public weal, if it be prosperous or in decay, what is the very occasion of the one or of the other, the form and manner of the governance thereof, the good and evil qualities of them that be rulers, the commodities and good sequel of virtue, the discommodities and evil conclusion of vicious license.

Surely if a nobleman do thus seriously and diligently read histories, I dare affirm there is no study or science for him of equal commodity and pleasure, having regard to every time and age. By the time that the child do come to seventeen years of age, to the intent his courage be bridled with reason, it were needful to read unto him some works of philosophy, especially that part that may inform him unto virtuous manners, which part of philosophy is called moral. Wherefore there would be read to him for an introduction the first twobooks of the work of Aristotle called Ethics, wherein is contained the definitions and proper significations of every virtue, and that to be learned in Greek, for the translations that we yet have be but a rude and gross shadow of the eloquence and wisdom of Aristotle. Forthwith would follow the work of Cicero, called in Latin De Officiis, whereunto yet is no proper English word to be given, but to provide for it some manner of exposition, it may be said in this form: "Of the duties and manners appertaining to men." But above all others, the works of Plato would be most studiously read when the judgement of a man is come to perfection, and by the other studies is instructed in the form of speaking that philosophers used. Lord God, what incomparable sweetness of words and matter shall he find in the said works of Plato and Cicero. wherein is joined gravity with delectation, excellent wisdom with divine eloquence, absolute virtue with pleasure incredible, and every place is so infarced with profitable counsel joined with honesty, that those three books be almost sufficient to make a perfect and excellent governor. The proverbs of Solomon with the books of Ecclesiastes and Ecclesiasticus be very good lessons. All the historical parts of the bible be right necessary for to be read of a nobleman, after that he is mature in years. And the residue (with the new testament) is to be reverently touched, as a celestial jewel or relic, having the chief interpreter of those books true and constant faith, and dreadfully to set hands thereon, remembering that Oza, for putting his hand to the holy shrine that was called Archa federis when it was brought by king David from the city of Gaba, though it were wavering and in danger to fall, yet was he stricken of God and fell dead immediately. It would not be forgotten that the little book of the most excellent doctor Erasmus Rotterdamus, (which he wrote to Charles now being emperor and than prince of Castile) which book is entitled the Institution of a Christian Prince, would be as familiar always with gentlemen, at all times and in every age, as was Homer with great king Alexander or Xenophon with Scipio, for as all men may judge that have read that work of Erasmus that there was never book written in Latin that in so little a portion contained of sentence, eloquence, and virtuous exhortation, a more compendious abundance. And here I make an end of the learning and study whereby noblemen may attain to be worthy to have authority in a public weal. Always I shall exhort tutors and governors of noble children that they suffer them not to use engorgitations of meat or drink, ne to sleep much, that is to say above eight hours at the most. For undoubtedly both repletion and superfluous sleep be capital enemies to study, as they be similarly to health of body and soul. Aulus Gellius saith that children, if they use of meat and sleep over much, be made therewith dull to learn, and we see that thereof slowness is taken, and the children's personages do wax uncomely and less grow in stature. Galen will not permit that pure wine, without allay of water, should in any wise be given to children, forasmuch as it humecteth the body, or maketh it moister and hotter than is convenient, also it filleth the head with fume, in them especially, which be like as children of hot and moist temperature. These be well nigh the words of the noble Galen.

Why gentlemen in this present time be not equal in doctrine to the ancient noblemen.

Now will I somewhat declare of the chief causes why, in our time, noblemen be not as excellent in learning as they were in old time among the Romans and Greeks. Surely, as I have diligently marked in daily experience, the principal causes be these: t he pride, avarice, and negligence of parents, and the lack or fewness of sufficient masters or teachers.

As I said, pride is the first cause of this inconvenience. For of those persons be some, which without shame dare affirm that to a great gentleman it is a notable reproach to be well learned and to be called a great clerk, which name they account to be of so base estimation that they never have it in their mouths but when they speak anything in derision, which perchance they would not do if they had one's leisure to read our own chronicle of England, where they shall find that king Henry the first, son of William Conqueror, and one of the most noble princes that ever reigned in this realm, was openly called Henry beau clerc, which is in English, "fair clerk," and is yet at this day so named. And whether that name be to his honour or to his reproach, let them judge that do read and compare his life with his two brethren, William called Rouse and Robert le Courtoise, they both not having similar learning with the said Henry, the one for his dissolute living and tyranny being hated of all his nobles and people, finally was suddenly slain by the shot of an arrow, as he was hunting in a forest, which to make larger and to give his deer more liberty, he did cause the houses of his parishes to be pulled down, the people to be expelled, and all being desolate to be turned into desert and made only pasture for beasts savage, which he would never have done if he had as much delighted in good learning as did his brother.

The other brother, Robert le Courtoise, being duke of Normandy and the eldest son of William Conqueror, albeit that he was a man of much prowess and right expert in martial affaires, wherefore he was elect before Godfrey of Bologne to have been king of Jerusalem, yet notwithstanding when he invaded this realm with sundry puissant armies, also diverse noblemen aiding him, yet his noble brother Henry beau clerc, more by wisdom than power, also by learning, adding policy to virtue and courage, oftentimes vanquished him, and did put him to flight. And after sundry victories finally took him and kept him in prison, having none other means to keep his realm in tranquillity.

It was for no rebuke but for an excellent honour, that the emperor Antonine was surnamed philosopher, for by his most noble example of living and industry incomparable he during all the time of his reign kept the public weal of the Romans in such a perfect estate that by his acts be confirmed the saying of Plato, that blessed is that public weal wherein either philosophers do reign, or else kings be in philosophy studious.

These persons that so much contemn learning, that they would that gentlemen's children should have no part or very little thereof, but rather should spend their youth always (I say not only in hunting and hawking, which moderately used as solaces ought to be, I intend not to dispraise) but in those idle pastimes which, for the vice that is therein, the commandment of the prince and the universal consent of the people expressed in statutes and laws, do prohibit, I mean, playing at dice and other games named unlawful; these persons, I say, I would should remember, or else now learn if they never else heard it, that the noble Philip king of Macedonia, who subdued all Greece, above all the good fortunes that ever he had most rejoiced that his son Alexander was born in the time that Aristotle the philosopher flourished, by whose instruction he might attain to most excellent learning.

Also the same Alexander oftentimes said that he was equally as much bounden to Aristotle as to his father king Philip, for of his father he received life, but of Aristotle he received the way to live nobly.

Who dispraised Epaminondas, the most valiant captain of Thebans, for that he was excellently learned and a great philosopher? Who ever discommended Julius Caesar for that he was a noble orator and, next to Tully in the eloquence of the Latin tongue, excelled all others? Who ever reproved the emperor Hadrian for that he was so exquisitely learned, not only in Greek and Latin, but also in all sciences liberal, that openly at Athens, in the universal assembly of the greatest clerks of the world, he by a long time disputed with philosophers and rhetoricians who were esteemed most excellent, and by the judgement of them that were present had the palm or reward of victory? And yet, by the governance of that noble emperor, not only the public weal flourished but also diverse rebellions were suppressed, and the majesty of the empire hugely increased. Was it any reproach to the noble Germanicus (who by the assignment of Augustus should have succeeded Tiberius in the empire, if traitorous envy had not in his flourishing youth bereft him his life) that he was equal to the most noble poets of his time and, to the increase of his honour and most worthy commendation, his image was set up at Rome in the habit that poets at those days used? Finally how much excellent learning commendeth and not dispraiseth nobility, it shall plainly appear unto them that do read the lives of Alexander called Severus, Tacitus, Probus Aurelius, Constantine, Theodosius, and Charles the Great, surnamed Charlemaine, all being emperors; and do compare them with others, who lacked or had that so much of doctrine. Verily they be far from good reason, in my opinion, who covet to have their children goodly in stature, strong, well singing, wherein trees, beasts, and birds be not only with them equal, but also far do exceed them, while cunning, whereby only man excelleth all other creatures in earth, they reject and account unworthy to be in their children. What unkind appetite were it to desire to be father rather of a piece of flesh that can only move and feel, than of a child that should have the perfect form of a man? What so perfectly expresseth a man as doctrine? Diogines the philosopher seeing one without learning sit on a stone, said to them that were with him, "behold where one stone sitteth on another;" which words, well considered and tried, shall appear to contain in it wonderful matter for the approbation of doctrine, whereof a wise man may accumulate inevitable arguments, which I of necessity, to avoid tediousness, must needs pass over at this time.

The second and third decay of learning among gentlemen.

The second occasion wherefore gentlemen's children seldom have sufficient learning is avarice. For where their parents will not adventure to send them far out of their proper countries, partly for fear of death, which perchance dare not approach them at home with their father; partly for expense of money, which they suppose would be less in their own houses or in a village with some of their tenants or friends; having seldom any regard to the teacher, whether he be well learned or ignorant. For if they hire a schoolmaster to teach in their houses they chiefly inquire with how small a salary he will be contented, and never insearch how much good learning he hath, and how among well learned men he is therein esteemed, using therein less diligence than in taking servants, whose service is of much less importance, and to a good schoolmaster is not in profit to be compared. A gentleman, ere he take a cook into his service, he will first diligently examine him, how many sorts of meats, potages, and sauces, he can perfectly make, and how well he can season them, that they may be both pleasant and nourishing; yea and if it be but a falconer, he will scrupulously inquire what skill he hath in feeding, and keeping of his hawk from all sickness, also how he can reclaim her and prepare her to flight. And to such a cook or falconer, whom he findeth expert, he spareth not to give much wages with other bounteous rewards. But of a schoolmaster, to whom he will commit his child to be fed with learning and instructed in virtue, whose life shall be the principal monument of his name and honour, he never maketh farther inquiry but where he may have a schoolmaster and with how little charge; and if one be perchance found well learned, but he will not take pains to teach without he may have a great salary, he then speaketh nothing more, or else saith, "What shall so much wages be given to a schoolmaster which would keep me two servants?" to whom may be said these words, that by his son being well learned he shall receive more commodity and also worship than by the service of a hundred cooks and falconers.

The third cause of this hindrance is negligence of parents which I do especially note in this point; there have been diverse, as well gentlemen as of the nobility, that delighting to have their sons excellent in learning have provided for them cunning masters, who substantially have taught them grammar and very well instructed them to speak Latin elegantly, whereof the parents have taken much delectation; but when they have had of grammar sufficient and be come to the age of fourteen years, and do approach or draw toward the estate of man, which age is called mature or ripe (wherein not only the said learning continued by much experience shall be perfectly digested, and confirmed in perpetual remembrance, but also more serious learning contained in other liberal sciences, and also philosophy, would then be learned) the parents, that thing nothing regarding, but being sufficed that their children can only speak Latin properly, or make verses with out matter or sentence, they from thence forth do suffer them to live in idleness, or else, putting them to service, do, as it were, banish them from all virtuous study or exercise of that which they before learned; so that we may behold diverse young gentlemen who in their infancy and childhood were wondered at for their aptness to learning and prompt speaking of elegant Latin, which now, being men, not only have forgotten their congruity (as in the common word), and not easily can speak one whole sentence in true Latin, but, that worse is, hath all learning in derision, and in scorn thereof will of wantonness speak the most barbarously that they can imagine.

Now some man will require me to shew my opinion if it be necessary that gentlemen should after the age of fourteen years continue in study. And to be plain and true therein, I dare affirm that, if the elegant speaking of Latin be not added to other doctrine, little fruit may come of the tongue; since Latin is but a natural speech, and the fruit of speech is wise sentence, which is gathered and made of sundry learnings. And who that hath nothing but language only may be no more praised than a popinjay, a pie, or a stare, when they speak featly. There be many nowadays in famous schools and universities which be so much given to the study of tongues only that, when they write epistles, they seem to the reader that, like to a trumpet, they make a sound without any purpose, whereunto men do hearken more for the noise than for any delectation that thereby is moved. Wherefore they be much abused that suppose eloquence to be only in words or colours of Rhetoric, for as Tully saith, what is so furious or mad a thing as a vain sound of words of the best sort and most ornate, containing neither cunning nor sentence?

Undoubtedly very eloquence is in every tongue where any matter or act done or to be done is expressed in words clean, propitious, ornate, and comely; whereof sentences be so aptly compact that they by a virtue inexplicable do draw unto them the minds and consent of the hearers, they being therewith either persuaded, moved, or to delectation induced. Also every man is not an orator that can write an epistle or a flattering station in Latin; where of the last, (as God help me) is too much used.

For a right orator may not be without a much better furniture, Tully saying that to him belongeth the explicating or unfolding of sentence, with a great estimation in giving counsel concerning matters of great importance; also to him appertaineth the steering and quickening of people languishing or despairing, and to moderate them that be rash and unbridled. Wherefore noble authors do affirm that, in the first infancy of the world, men, wandering like beasts in woods and on mountains, regarding neither the religion due unto God, nor the office pertaining unto man, ordered all thing by bodily strength: until Mercurius (as Plato supposeth) or some other man helped by sapience and eloquence, by some apt or proper oration assembled them together and persuaded to them what commodity was in mutual conversation and honest manners. But yet Cornelius Tacitus describeth an orator to be of more excellent qualities, saying that an orator is he that can or may speak or reason in every question sufficiently elegantly, and to persuade properly, according to the dignity of the thing that is spoken of, the opportunity of time, and pleasure of them that be hearers. Tully, before him, affirmed that a man may not be an orator heaped with praise, but if he have gotten the knowledge of all things and arts of greatest importance. And how shall an orator speak of that thing that he hath not learned? And because there may be nothing but it may happen to come in praise or dispraise, in consultation or judgement, in accusation or defense, therefore an orator, by others' instruction perfectly furnished, may in every matter and learning commend or dispraise, exhort or dissuade, accuse or defend eloquently, as occasion happeneth. Wherefore inasmuch as in an orator is required to be a heap of all manner of learning, which of some is called the world of science, of others the circle of doctrine, which is in one word of Greek encyclopedia; therefore at this day may be found but a very few orators. For they that come in message from princes be, for honour, named now orators, if they be in any degree of worship, only poor men having equal or more of learning being called messengers. Also they which do only teach rhetoric, which is the science whereby is taught an artificial form of speaking wherein is the power to persuade, move, and delight, or by that science only do speak or write, without any support of other sciences, ought to be named rhetoricians, declaimers, artificial speakers (named in Greek logodedali) or any other name than orators. Similarly they that make verses, expressing thereby none other learning but the craft of versifying, be not of ancient writers named poets but only called versifiers. For the name of a poet, whereat now (especially in this realm) men have such indignation, that they use only poets and poetry in the contempt of eloquence, was in ancient time in high estimation, in so much that all wisdom was supposed to be therein included, and poetry was the first philosophy that ever was known; whereby men from their childhood were brought to the reason how to live well, learning thereby not only manners and natural affections, but also the wonderful works of nature, mixing serious matter with things that were pleasant; as it shall be manifest to them that shall be so fortunate to read the noble works of Plato and Aristotle, wherein he shall find the authority of poets frequently alleged; yea and that more is, in poets was supposed to be science mystical and inspired, and therefore in Latin they were called vates which word signifyeth as much as prophets. And therefore Tully in his Tusculane questions supposeth that a poet cannot abundantly express verses sufficient and complete, or that his eloquence may flow without labour words well sounding and plenteous, without celestial instincts, which is also by Plato ratified.

But since we be now occupied in the defense of Poets, it shall not be incongruent to our matter to shew what profit may be taken by the diligent reading of ancient poets, contrary to the false opinion that now reigneth of them that suppose that in the works of poets is contained nothing but bawdry (such is their foul word of reproach) and unprofitable lyings.

But first I will interpret some verses of Horace, wherein he expresseth the office of poets, and after will I resort to a more plain demonstration of some wisdoms and counsels contained in some verses of poets. Horace, in his second book of epistles, saith in this wise or much like:

The poet fashioneth by some pleasant mean
The speech of children tender and unsure:
Pulling their ears from words unclean,
Giving to them precepts that are pure:
Rebuking envy and wrath if it dure:
Things well done he can by example commend:
The needy and sick he doth also his cure
To recomfort, if aught can amend.

But they who be ignorant in poets will perchance object, as is their manner, against these verses, saying that in Terence and others that were writers of comedies, also Ovid, Cattalos, Martialis, and all that route of lascivious poets that wrote epistles and ditties of love, some called in Latin elegies and some epigrammata, is nothing contained but incitation to lechery.

First, comedies (which they suppose to be a doctrin of ribaldry) they be undoubtedly a picture or as it were a mirror of man's life, wherein evil is not taught but discovered, to the intent that men beholding the promptness of youth unto vice, the snares of harlots, and bawds laid for young minds, the deceit of servants, the chances of fortune contrary to men's expectation, they being thereof warned may prepare themselves to resist or prevent occasion. Similarly remembering the wisdoms, advertisements, counsels, dissuasion from vice, and other profitable sentences, most eloquently and familiarly shewed in those comedies, undoubtedly there shall be no little fruit out of them gathered. And if the vices in them expressed should be cause that the minds of the readers should be corrupted, then by the same argument not only interludes in English, but also sermons wherein some vice is declared, should be to the beholders and hearers like occasion to increase sinners.

And that by comedies good counsel is ministered it appeareth by the sentence of Parmeno, in the second comedy of Terence:

In this thing I triumph in my own conceit,
That I have found for all young men the way
How they of harlots shall know the deceit,
Their wits, their manners, that thereby they may

Them perpetually hate; for so much as they
Out of their own houses be fresh and delicate,
Feeding curiously; at home all the day
Living beggarly in most wretched estate.

There be many more words spoken which I purposely omit to translate, notwithstanding the substance of the whole sentence is herein comprised. But now to come to other poets, what may be better said than is written by Plautus in his first comedy?

Verily Virtue doth all things excel.

For if liberty, health, living and substance,
Our country, our parents and children do well
It happeneth by virtue; she doth all advance.
Virtue bath all thing under governance,
And in whom of virtue is found great plenty,
Anything that is good may never be dainty.

Also Ovid, that seemeth to be of all poets most lascivious, in his most wanton books hath right commendable and noble sentences; as for proof thereof I will recite some that I have taken at adventure:

Time is in medicine if it shall profit;
Wine given out of time may be annoyance.
A man shall irritate vice if he prohibit
When time is not meet unto his utterance.
Therefore, if thou yet by counsel art recuperable,
Flee thou from idleness and always be stable.

Martial, who for his dissolute writing is most seldom read of men of much gravity, hath notwithstanding many commendable sentences and right wise counsels, as among diverse I will rehearse one which is first come to my remembrance:

If thou wilt eschew bitter adventure,
And avoid the gnawing of a pensive heart,
Set in no one person all holy thy pleasure,
The less joy shalt thou have but the less shalt thou smart

I could recite a great number of similar good sentences out of these and other wanton poets, who in the Latin do express them incomparably with more grace and delectation to the reader than our English tongue may yet comprehend.

Wherefore since good and wise matter may be picked out of these poets, it were no reason, for some light matter that is in their verses, to abandon therefore all their works, no more than it were to forbear or prohibit a man to come into a fair garden, lest the redolent savours of sweet herbs and flowers shall move him to wanton courage, or lest in gathering good and wholesome herbs he may happen to be stung with a nettle. No wise man entereth into a garden but he soon espieth good herbs from nettles, and treadeth the nettles under his feet whiles he gathereth good herbs. Whereby he taketh no damage, or if he be stung he maketh light of it and shortly forgetteth it. Similarly if he do read wanton matter mixed with wisdom, he putteth the worst under foot and sorteth out the best, or, if his courage be stirred or provoked, he remembreth the little pleasure and great detriment that should ensue of it, and withdrawing his mind to some other study or exercise shortly forgetteth it.

And therefore among the Jews, though it were prohibited to children until they came to ripe years to read the books of Genesis, of the Judges, Cantica Canticorum, and some part of the book of Ezekiel the prophet, for that in them was contained some matter which might happen to incense the young mind, wherein were sparks of carnal concupiscence, yet after certain years of men's ages it was lawful for every man to read and diligently study those works. So although I do not approve the lesson of wanton poets to be taught unto all children, yet think I convenient and necessary that, when the mind is become constant and courage is assuaged, or that children of their natural disposition be shamefaced and continent, none ancient poet would be excluded from the lesson of such one as desireth to come to the perfection of wisdom.

But in defending of orators and poets I had almost forgotten where I was. Verily there may no man be an excellent poet nor orator unless he have part of all other doctrine, especially of noble philosophy. And to say the truth, no man can apprehend the very delectation that is in the lesson of noble poets unless he have read very much and in diverse authors of diverse learnings. Wherefore, as I late said, to the augmentation of understanding, called in Latin intellectus et mens, is required to be much reading and vigilant study in every science, especially of that part of philosophy named moral, which instructeth men in virtue and politic governance. Also no noble author, especially of them that wrote in Greek or Latin before 1200 years passed, is not for any cause to be omitted. For therein I am of Quintilian's opinion, that there is few or none ancient work that yeildeth not some fruit or commodity to the diligent readers. And it is a very gross or obstinate wit that by reading much is not somewhat amended.

Concerning the election of other authors to be read I have (as I trust) declared sufficiently my conceit and opinion the tenth and eleventh chapters of this little treatise.

Finally, like as a delicate tree that cometh of a kernel, which as soon as it burgeoneth out leaves, if it be plucked up ere it be sufficiently rooted, and laid in a corner, it becometh dry or rotten and no fruit cometh of it, or if it be removed and set in another air or earth which is of contrary qualities where it was before, it either similarly dieth or beareth no fruit or else the fruit that cometh of it loseth his verdure and taste, and finally his estimation, so the pure and excellent learning whereof I have spoken, though it be sown in a child never so timely, and springeth and burgeoneth never so pleasantly, if, before it take a deep root in the mind of the child, it be laid aside, either by to much solace or continual attendance in service, or else is translated to another study which is of a more gross or unpleasant quality before it be confirmed or established by often reading or diligent exercise, in conclusion it vanisheth and cometh to nothing.

Wherefore let men reply as they list, but, in my opinion, men be wonderfully deceived nowadays (I dare not say with the persuasion of avarice) that do put their children at the age of fourteen or fifteen years to the study of the laws of the realm of England. I will shew to them reasonable causes why, if they will patiently hear me, informed partly by my own experience.

For what cause at this day there be in this realm few perfect schoolmasters.

Lord God, how many good and clean wits of children be nowadays perished by ignorant schoolmasters? How little substantial doctrine is apprehended by the fewness of good grammarians? Notwithstanding I know that there be some well learned who have taught and also do teach, but God knoweth a few, and they with small effect, having thereto no comfort, their aptist and most proper scholars, after they be well instructed in speaking Latin and understanding some poets, being taken from their school by their parents, and either being brought to the court and made lackeys or pages, or else are bounden apprentices; whereby the worship that the master, above any reward, coveteth to have by the praise of his scholar, is utterly drowned; whereof I have heard schoolmasters, very well learned, of good right complain. But yet (as I said) the fewness of good grammarians is a great impediment of doctrine. (And here I would the readers should mark that I note to be few good grammarians, and not none.) I call not them grammarians who only can teach or make rules, whereby a child shall only learn to speak congruous Latin, or to make six verses standing in one feet, wherein perchance shall be neither sentence nor eloquence. But I name him a grammarian, by the authority of Quintilian, that speaking Latin elegantly, can expound good authors, expressing the invention and disposition of the matter, their stile or form of eloquence, explicating the figures as well of sentences as words, leaving nothing, person or place named by the author, undeclared or hid from his scholars. Wherefore Quintilian saith, it is not enough for him to have read poets, but all kinds of writing must also be sought for; not for the histories only, but also for the property of words, which commonly do receive their authority of noble authors. Moreover without music grammar may not be perfect; forasmuch as therein must be spoken of meters and harmonies, called rythmi in Greek. Neither if he have not the knowledge of stars may he may understand poets, which in description of times they treat of the rising and going down of planets. Also he may not be ignorant in philosophy, for many places that be almost in every poet be fetched out of the most subtle part of natural questions. These be well nigh the words of Quintilian.

Then behold how few grammarians after this description be in this realm.

Undoubtedly there be in this realm many well learned, who if the name of a schoolmaster were not so much had in contempt, and also if their labours with abundant salaries might be requited, were right sufficient and able to induce their hearers to excellent learning, so they be not plucked away green, and ere they be in doctrine sufficiently rooted. But nowadays, if to a bachelor or master of art, study of philosophy waxeth tedious, if he have a spoonful of Latin, he will shew forth a hogshead without any learning, and offer to teach grammar and expound noble writers, and to be in the room of a master, he will, for a small salary, set a false colour of learning on proper wits, which will be washed away with one shower of rain. For if the children be absent from school by the space of one month, the best learned of them will not easily tell whether Fato, whereby Aeneas was brought into Italy, were either a man, a horse, a ship, or a wild goose, although their master will perchance advance himself to be a good philosopher.

Some men peradventure do think that, at the beginning of learning it forceth not, although the masters have not so exact doctrine as I have rehearsed; but let them take good heed what Quintilian saith, that it is so much the better to be instructed by them that are best learned, forasmuch as it is difficult to put out of the mind that which is once settled, the double burden being painful to the masters that shall succeed, and verily much more to unteach than to teach. Wherefore it is written that Timothy, the noble musician, demanded always a greater reward of them whom others had taught, than of them that never anything learned. These be the words of Quintilian or like.

Also, common experience teacheth that no man will put his son to a butcher to learn ere he bind him prentice to a tailor: or if he will have him a cunning goldsmith, will bind him first prentice to a tinker: in these things poor men be circumspect, and the nobles and gentlemen who would have their sons by excellent learning come unto honour, for sparing of cost or for lack of diligent search for a good schoolmaster willfully destroy their children, causing them to be taught that learning which would require six or seven years to be forgotten: by which time the more part of that age is spent, wherein is the chief sharpness of wit called in Latin acumen, and also then approacheth the stubborn age, where the child brought up in pleasure disdaineth correction.

Now have I all declared (as I do suppose) the chief impeachments of excellent learning: of the reformation I need not to speak, since it is apparent that, by the contraries, men pursuing it earnestly with discrete judgement and liberality, it would soon be amended.

Of sundry forms of exercise necessary for every gentleman.

Although I have hitherto advanced the commendation of learning, especially in gentlemen, yet it is to be considered that continual study without some manner of exercise shortly exhausteth the spirits vital, and hindereth natural decoction and digestion, whereby man's body is the sooner corrupted and brought into diverse sicknesses, and finally the life is thereby made shorter; where contrariwise by exercise, which is a vehement motion (as Galen prince of physicians defineth), the health of man is preserved, and his strength increased, forasmuch the members by moving and mutual touching do wax more hard, and natural heat in all the body is thereby augmented. Moreover it maketh the spirits of a man more strong and valiant, so that, by the hardness of the members, all labours be more tolerable; by natural heat the appetite is the more quick; the change of the substance received is the more ready; the nourishing of all parts of the body is the more sufficient and sure. By valiant motion of the spirits all things superfluous be expelled, and the conduits of the body cleansed. Wherefore this part of physic is not to be contemned or neglected in the education of children, and especially from the age of fourteen years upward, in which time strength with courage increaseth. Moreover there be diverse manners of exercises whereof some only prepareth and helpeth digestion, some augmenteth also strength and hardness of body; others serveth for agility and nimbleness; some for celerity or speediness. There be also which ought to be used for necessity only. All these ought he that is a tutor to a nobleman to have in remembrance, and, as opportunity serveth, to put them in experience. And especially them who with health do join commodity and (as I might say) necessity: considering that be he never so noble or valiant, some time he is subject to or (to speak it more pleasantly) servant to fortune.

Touching such exercises, as many be used within the house or in the shadow (as is the old manner of speaking) as perambulations, laboring with poises made of lead or other metal, called in Latin alteres, lifting and throwing the heavy stone or bar, playing at tennis, and diverse similar exercises, I will for this time pass over; exhorting them who do understand Latin, and do desire to know the commodities of sundry exercises, to resort to the book of Galen, of the governance of health, called in Latin De Sanitatetuenda, where they shall be in that matter abundantly satisfied, and find in the reading much delectation; which book is translated into Latin wonderful eloquently by doctor Linacre, late most worthy physician to our most noble sovereign lord king Henry the VIII.

And I will now only speak of those exercises apt to the furniture of a gentleman's personage, adapting his body to hardness, strength, and agility, and to help therewith himself in peril, which may happen in wars or other necessity.

Exercises whereby should grow both recreation and profit.

Wrestling is a very good exercise in the beginning of youth, so that it be with one that is equal in strength or somewhat under, and that the place be soft, that in falling their bodies be not bruised.

There be diverse manners of wrestlings, but the best, as well for health of body as for exercise of strength, is when laying mutually their hands one over another's neck, with the other hand they hold fast each other by the arm, and clasping their legs together, they enforce themselves with strength and agility to throw down each other, which is also praised by Galen. And undoubtedly it shall be found profitable in wars, in case that a captain shall be constrained to cope with his adversary hand to hand, having his weapon broken or lost. Also it hath been seen that the weaker person by the sleight of wrestling, hath overthrown the stronger, almost ere he could fasten on the other any violent stroke.

Also running is both a good exercise and a laudable solace. It is written of Epaminondas the valiant captain of Thebans, who as well in virtue and prowess as in learning surmounted all noblemen of his time, that daily he exercised himself in the morning with running and leaping, in the evening in wrestling, to the intent that likewise in armor he might the more strongly embracing his adversary, put him in danger. And also that in the chase, running and leaping, he might either overtake his enemy, or being pursued, if extreme need required, escape him. Similarly before him did the worthy Achilles, for whiles his ships lay at road, he suffered not his people to slumber in idleness, but daily exercised them and himself in running, wherein he was most excellent and passed all others, and therefore Homer, throughout all his work, calleth him swift foot Achilles.

The great Alexander, being a child, excelled all his companions in running; wherefore on a time one demanded of him if he would run at the great game of Olympus, whereto, out of all parts of Greece, came the most active and valiant persons to assay masteries; whereunto Alexander answered in this form, "I would very gladly run there, if I were sure to run with kings, for if I should contend with a private person, having respect to our both estates, our victories should not be equal." Needs must running be taken for a laudable exercise, since one of the most noble captains of all the Romans took his name of running, and was called Papirius Cursor, which is in English, Papirius the Runner. And also the valiant Marius the Roman, when he had been seven times Consul, and was of the age of four score years, exercised himself daily among the young men of Rome, in such wise that there resorted people out of far parts to behold the strength and agility of that old Consul, wherein he compared with the young and lusty soldiers.

There is an exercise which is right profitable in extreme danger of wars, but by cause there seemeth to be some peril in the learning thereof, and also it hath not been of long time much used, especially among noblemen, perchance some readers will little esteem it, I mean swimming.

But notwithstanding, if they revolve the imbecility of our nature, the hazards and dangers of battle, with the examples which shall hereafter be showed, they will, (I doubt not) think it as necessary to a captain or man of arms, as any that I have yet rehearsed. The Romans, who above all things had most in estimation martial prowess, they had a large and spacious field without the city of Rome, which was called Mars's field, in Latin Campus Martiu, wherein the youth of the city was exercised. This field adjoined to the river of Tiber, to the intent that as well men as children should wash and refresh them in the water after their labours, as also learn to swim. And not men and children only, but also the horses, that by such usage they should more aptly and boldly pass over great rivers, and be more able to resist or cut the waves, and not be afraid of squalls or great storms. For it hath been oftentimes seen that, by the good swimming of horses, many men have been saved, and contrariwise, by a timorous roil where the water hath hardly come to his belly, his legs hath faltered, whereby many a good and proper man hath perished. What benefit received the whole city of Rome by the swimming of Oratius Cocles, which is a noble history and worthy to be remembered. After the Romans had expelled Tarquin their king, as I have before remembered, he desired aide of Porsena, king of Thuscanes, a noble and valiant prince, to recover eftsoons his realm and dignity; who with a great and puissant host besieged the city of Rome, and so suddenly and sharply assaulted it, that it lacked but little that he ne had entered into the city with his host over the bridge called Sublicius; where encountered with him this Oratius with a few Romans. And whiles this noble captain, being alone, with an incredible strength resisted all the host of Porcena that were on the bridge, he commanded the bridge to be broken behind him, wherewith all the Thuscanes thereon standing fell into the great river of Tiber, but Oratius all armed leapt into the water and swam to his company, al be it that he was stricken with many arrows and darts, and also grievously wounded. Notwithstanding by his noble courage and feat of swimming he saved the city of Rome from perpetual servitude, which was likely to have ensued by the return of the proud Tarquin.

How much profited the feat in swimming to the valiant Julius Caesar, who at the battle of Alexandria, on a bridge being abandoned of his people for the multitude of his enemies, which oppressed them, when he might no longer sustain the shot of darts and arrows, he boldly leapt into the sea, and, diving under the water, escaped the shot and swam the space of 200 paces to one of his ships, drawing his cote armor with his teethe after him, that his enemies should not attain it. And also that it might somewhat defend him from their arrows. And that more marvel was, holding in his hand above the water certain letters, which a little before he had received from the Senate.

Before him Sertorius, who of the Spaniards was named the second Hannibal for his prowess, in the battle that Scipio fought against the Cimbres, who invaded France. Sertorius, when, by negligence of his people, his enemies prevailed and put his host to the worse, he being sore wounded, and his horse being lost, armed as he was in a jazerant, holding in his hands a target, and his sword, he leapt into the river of Rhone, which is wonderfully swift, and, swimming against the stream, came to his company, not without great wondering of all his enemies, who stood and beheld him.

The great king Alexander lamented that he had not learned to swim. For in India when he went against the puissant king Porus, he was constrained, in following his enterprise, to convey his host over a river of wonderful greatness; than caused he his horse men to gage the water, whereby he first perceived that it came to the breasts of the horses, and, in the muddle of the stream, the horses went in water to the neck, wherewith the footmen being afraid, none of them durst adventure to pass over the river. That perceiving Alexander with a dolorous manner in this wise lamented. O how most unhappy am I of all others that have not or this time learned to swim? And therewith he pulled a target from one of his soldiers, and casting it into the water, standing on it, with his spear conveyed himself with the stream, and governing the target wisely, brought himself unto the other side of the water; whereof his people being abashed, some assayed to swim, holding fast by the horses, others by spears and other like weapons, many upon fardels and trusses, gate over the river; in so much as nothing was perished save a little baggage, and of that no great quantity lost.

What utility was shewed to be in swimming at the first wars which the Romans had against the Carthaginians? It happened a battle to be on the sea between them, where they of Carthage being vanquished, would have set up their sails to have fled, but that perceiving diverse young Romans, they threw themselves into the sea, and swimming unto the ships, they enforced their enemies to strike on land, and there assaulted them so bitterly, that the captain of the Romans, called Luctatius, might easily take them.

Now behold what excellent commodity is in the feat of swimming; since no king, be he never so puissant or perfect in the experience of wars, may assure himself from the necessities which fortune soweth among men that be mortal. And sells on the health and safe guard of a noble captain, oftentimes dependeth the weal of a realm, nothing should be kept from his knowledge, whereby his person may be in every jeopardy preserved.

Among these exercises it shall be convenient to learn to handle sundry weapons, especially the sword and the battle axe, which be for a nobleman most convenient. But the most honorable exercise, in my opinion, and that beseemeth the estate of every noble person, is to ride surely and clean on a great horse and a rough, which undoubtedly not only importeth a majesty and dread to inferior persons, beholding him above the common course of other men, daunting a fierce and cruel beast, but also is no little succour, as well in pursuit of enemies and confounding them, as in escaping imminent danger, when wisdom thereto exhorteth. Also a strong and hardy horse doth some time more damage under his master than he with all his weapon: and also setteth forward the stroke, and causeth it to light with more violence.

Bucephal, the horse of great king Alexander, who suffered none on his back save only his master, at the battle of Thebes being sore wounded, would not suffer the king to depart from him to another horse, but persisting in his furious courage, wonderfully continued out the battle, with his feet and teeth beating down and destroying many enemies. And many similar marvels of his strength he shewed. Wherefore Alexander, after the horse was slain, made in remembrance of him a city in the country of India and called it Bucephal, in perpetual memory of so worthy a horse, which in his life had so well served him.

What wonderfully enterprises did Julius Caesar achieve by the help of his horse? Which not only did excel all other horses in fierceness and swift running, but also was in some part discrepant in figure from other horses, having his fore hooves like to the feet of a man. And in that figure Pliny writeth that he saw him carved before the temple of Venus.

Other remembrance there is of diverse horses by whose monstrous power men did exploit incredible affairs: but by cause the report of them containeth things impossible, and is not written by any approved author: I will not in this place rehearse them: saying that it is yet supposed that the castle of Arundell in Sussex was made by one Beauvais, Earl of South Hampton, for a monument of his horse called Arundell, which in far countries had saved his master from many perils. Now considering the utility in riding great horses, it shall be necessary (as I have said), that a gentleman do learn to ride a great and fierce horse whiles he is tender and the brawns and sinews of his thighs not fully consolidate. There is also a right good exercise which is also expedient to learn, which is named the vaunting of a horse: that is to leap on him at every side without stirrup or other help, especially whiles the horse is going. And being therein expert, than armed at all points to assay the same; the commodity whereof is so manifest that I need no further to declare it.

The ancient hunting of Greeks and Romans.

But now will I proceed to write of exercises which be not utterly reproved of noble authors, if they be used with opportunity and in measure, I mean hunting, hawking, and dancing. In hunting may be an imitation of battle, if it be such as was used among them of Persia, whereof Xenophon, the noble and most eloquent philosopher, maketh a direct mention in his book called the doctrine of Cirus: and also maketh another special book, containing the whole discipline of the ancient hunting of the Greeks: and in that form being used, it is a laudable exercise, of the which I will now somewhat write.

Cirus and other ancient kings of Persia (as Xenophon writeth) used this manner in all their hunting. First, where as it seemeth, there was in the realm of Persia but one city, which as I suppose, was called Persepolis, there were the children of the Persians, from their infancy unto the age of seventeen years, brought up in the learning of justice and temperance, and also to observe continence in meat and drink: in so much that, wither so ever they went, they took with them for their sustenance but only bread and herbs, called Cress, in Latin Nasturtium, and for their drink, a dish to take water out of the rivers as they passed. Also they learned to shoot and to cast the dart or javelin. When they came to the age of 17 years, they were lodged in the palaces that were there ordained for the king and his nobles, which was as well for the safeguard of the city, as for the example of temperance that they daily had at their eyes given to them by the nobles, who also might be called Peers, by the signification of the Greek word, wherein they were called, Omotimi.

Moreover they were accustomed to rise always in the first spring of the day, and patiently to sustain always both cold and heat. And the king did see them exercised in going and also in running. And when he intended in his own person to hunt, which he did commonly every month, he took with him the one half of the company of young men, that were in the palaces. Than took every man with him his bow and quiver with arrows, his sword or hatchet of steel, a little target, and two darts. The bow and arrows served to pursue beasts that were swift, and the darts to assail them and all other beasts. And when their courage was chaffed, or that by fierceness of the beast they were in danger, than force constrained them to strike with the sword, or hatchet, and to have good eye at the violent assault of the beast, and to defend them if need were with their targets, wherein they accounted to be the truest and most certain meditation of wars. And to this hunting the king did conduct them, and he himself first hunted such beasts as he happened to encounter.

And when he had taken his pleasure, he then with most diligence did set others forward, beholding who hunted valiantly, and reforming them whom he saw negligent or slothful. But ere they went forth to this hunting, they dined competently, and during their hunting they dined no more: for if, for any occasion, their hunting continued above one day, they took the said dinner for their supper, and the next day, if they killed no game, they hunted until supper time, accounting those two days but for one. And if they took anything, they ate it at their supper with joy and pleasure. If nothing were killed, they ate only bread and Cress, as I before rehearsed, and drank thereto water. And if any man will dispraise this diet, let him think what pleasure there is in breed, to him that is hungry, and what delectation is in drinking water, to him that is thirsty.

Surely this manner of hunting may be called a necessary solace and pastime, for therein is the very imitation of battle, for not only it doth shewe the courage and strength as well of the horse as of him that rideth, traversing over mountains and valleys, encountering and overthrowing great and mighty beasts, but also it increaseth in them both agility and quickness, also sleight and policy to find such passages and straights, where they may prevent or entrap their enemies. Also by continuance therein they shall easily sustain travail in wars, hunger and thirst, cold and heat. Hitherto be the words of Xenophon, although I have not set them in like order as he wrote them.

The chief hunting of the valiant Greeks was at the lion, the leopard, the tiger, the wild swine, and the bear, and sometime the wolf and the heart. Theseus, who was companion to Hercules, attained the greatest part of his renown for fighting with the great bore, which the Greeks called Phera, that wasted and consumed the fields of a great country.

Meleager likewise for slaying of the great bore in Caledonia, which in greatness and fierceness exceeded all other bores, and had slain many noble and valiant, persons.

The great Alexander, in times vacant from battle, delighted in that manner hunting. On a time he fought alone with a lion wonderfully great and fierce, being present among other strangers, the ambassador of Lacedemonia, and, after long travail, with incredible might he overthrew the lion, and slew him; whereat the said ambassador wondering marvelously said to the king, I would to God (noble prince) ye should fight with a )yon for some great empire. By which words it seemed that he nothing approved the valiantness of a prince by fighting with a wild beast, wherein much more was adventured than might be by the victory gotten.

Al be it Pompeii, Sertorius, and diverse other noble Romans, when they were in Numidia, Libya, and such other countries, which now be called Barbary and Morisco, in the vacation season from wars, they hunted lions, leopards, and such other beasts, fierce and savage, to then tent thereby to exercise themselves and their soldiers. But all mighty God be thanked, in this realm be no such cruel beast to be pursued. Notwithstanding in the hunting of red deer and fallow-deer, might be a great part of similar exercise used by noblemen, especially in forests which be spacious, if they would use but a few number of hounds, only to harbour, or rouse, the game, and by their running to give knowledge which way it fleeth; the remnant of the disport to be in pursuing with javelins and other weapons, in manner of war. And to them which, in this hunting, do shewe most prowess and activity, a garland or some other like token to be given, in sign of victory, and with a joyful manner to be brought in the presence of him that is chief in the company; thereto receive condign, praise for their good endeavor. I dispraise not the hunting of the fox with running hounds, but it is not to be compared to the other hunting in commodity of exercise. Therefore it would be used in the deep winter, when the other game is unseasonable.

Hunting of the hare with greyhounds is a right good solace for men that be studious, of them to whom nature hath not given personage or courage apt for the wars. And also for gentlewomen, who fear neither sun nor wind for impairing their beauty. And peradventure they shall be thereat less idle, than they should be at home in their chambers.

Killing of dear with bows or greyhounds serveth well for the pot, (as is the common saying) and therefore it must of necessity be some time used. But it containeth therein no commendable solace or exercise, in comparison to the other form of hunting, if it be diligently perceived.

As for hawking, I can find no notable remembrance that it was used of ancient time among noble princes. I call ancient time before a thousand years passed, since which time virtue and nobleness hath rather decayed than increased. Nor I could never know who found first that disport.

Plinius maketh mention, in his viii book of the history of nature, that in the parts of Greece, called Thracia, men and hawks, as it were by a confederacy, took birds together in this wise. The men sprang the birds out of the bushes, and the hawks, soaring over them, beat them down, so that the men might easily take them. And then did the men depart equally the prey with the falcons, which being well served, afterwards, and of a custom, repaired to such places, where, being aloft, they perceived men to that purpose assembled. By which rehearsal of Plinius we may conjecture, that from Thracia came this disport of hawking. And I doubt not but many others, as well as I, have seen a similar experience of wild hobby-hawks, which, in some countries that be champaine, will soar and lie aloft, hovering over larks and quails, and keep them down on the ground, whiles they which await on the prey do take them. But in what wise, or where so ever, the beginning of hawking was, surely it is a right delectable solace, though thereof cometh not so much utility, (concerning exercise) as there doth of hunting. But I would our falcons might be satisfied with the division of their prey, as the falcons of Thracia were; that they needed not to devour and consume the hens of this realm in such number, that unless it be shortly considered, and that falcons be brought to a more homely diet, it is right likely that, within a short space of years, our familiar poultry shall be as scarce, as be now partridge and pheasant. I speak not this in dispraise of the falcons, but of them who keepeth them like cockneys. The mean gentlemen and honest householders, who care for the gentle entertainment of their friends, do find in their dish that I say truth, and noblemen shall right shortly espy it, when they come suddenly to their friends house, unprovided for lack of long warning.

But now to return to my purpose: undoubtedly hawking, measurably used, and for a pastime, giveth to a man good appetite to his supper. And at the least way withdraweth him from other dalliance, or disports dishonest, and to body and soul perchance pernicious.

Now I purpose to declare something concerning dancing, wherein is merit of praise and dispraise, as I shall express it in such form, as I trust the reader shall find therein a rare and singular pleasure, with also good learning in things not yet commonly known in our vulgar. Which if it be read of him that hath good opportunity and quiet silence. I doubt not, but he shall take thereby such commodity, as he looked not to have found in that exercise, which of the more part of sad men is so little esteemed.

That shooting in a long bow is Principal of all other exercises.

Tully saith in his first book of Offices, we be not to that intent brought up by Nature, that we should seem to be made to play and disport, but rather to gravity, and studies of more estimation. Wherefore it is written of Alexander, emperor of Rome, for his gravity called Seuerus, that in his childhood, and before he was taught the letters of Greek or Latin, he never exercised any other play or game, but only one, whereinwas a similitude of justice, and therefore it was called in Latin, Ad Judices, which is in English to the judges. But the form thereof is not expressed by the said author, nor none other that I have yet read; wherefore I will repair again to the residue of honest exercise.

And forasmuch as Galen, in his second book of the preservation of health, declareth to be in them these qualities or diversities, that is to say, that some be done with extending of might, and as it were violently, and that is called valiant exercise; some with swift or hasty motion, others with strength and celerity, and that may be called vehement. The particular kinds of every of them he describeth, which were too long here to be rehearsed.

But inasmuch as he also saith, that he that is of good estate in his body, ought to know the power and effect of every exercise, but he needeth not to practice any other but that which is moderate and mean between every extremity; I will now briefly declare in what exercise now in custom among us, may be most found of that mediocrity, and may be augmented or diminished at the pleasure of him that doth exercise, without thereby impairing any part of delectation or commodity thereof.

And in my opinion none may be compared with shooting in the long bow, and that for sundry utilities that come thereof, wherein it incomparably excelleth all other exercise. For in drawing of a bow, easy and congruent to his strength, he that shooteth doth moderately exercise his arms, and the over part of his body; and if his bow be bigger, he must add to more strength; wherein is no less valiant exercise than in any other whereof Galen writeth.

In shooting at buttes, or broad arrow marks, is a mediocrity of exercise of the lower parts of the body and legs, by going a little distance a measurable pass.

At runners or riders, it is at his pleasure that shooteth, how fast or softly he listeth to go. And yet is the praise of the shooter neither more ne less, for as far or nigh the mark is his arrow, when he goeth softly, as when he runneth. Tennis, seldom used, and for a little space, is a good exercise for young men, but it is more violent than shooting, by reason that two men do play. Wherefore neither of them is at his own liberty to measure the exercise. For if the one strike the ball hard, the other that intendeth to receive him, is than constrained to use similar violence, if he will return the ball from whence it came to him. If it roll fast on the ground, and he intendeth to stop, or if it rebound a great distance from him, and he would soon return it, he cannot than keep any measure in swiftness of motion.

Some men would say, that in mediocrity, which I have so much praised in shooting, why should not bowling, closh, pins, and koytyng be as much commended? Verily as for two the last, be to be utterly abjected of all noblemen, in like wise foot ball, wherein is nothing but beastly fury and extreme violence; whereof proceedeth hurt, and consequently rancor and malice do remain with them that be wounded; wherefore it is to be put in perpetual silence. In classhe is employed too little strength; in bowling oftentimes too much; whereby the sinews be too much strained, and the veins too much chafed. Whereof oftentimes is seen to ensue ache, or the decrease of strength or agility in the arms: where, in shooting, if the shooter use the strength of his bow within his own tiller, he shall never be therewith grieved or made more feeble.

Also in shooting is a double utility, wherein it excelleth all other exercises and games incomparably. The one is that it is, and always hath been, the most excellent artillery for wars, whereby this realm of England hath been not only best defended from outward hostility, but also in other regions a few English archers have been seen to prevail against people innumerable, also won impregnable cities and strongholds, and kept them in the midst of the strength of their enemies. This is the feat, whereby English men have been most dreaded and had in estimation with outward princes, as well enemies as allies. And the commodity thereof hath been approved as far as Jerusalem; as it shall appear in the lives of Richard the first, and Edward the first, kings of England, who made several journeys to recover that holy city of Jerusalem into the possession of Christian men, and achieved them honorably, the rather by the power of this feat of shooting.

The premises considered, O what cause of reproach shall the decay of archers be to us now living? Ye what irrecuperable damage either to us or them in whose time need of similar defense shall happen? Which decay, though we already perceive, fear, and lament, and for the restoring thereof cease not to make ordinances, good laws, and statutes, yet who effectual putteth his hand to continual execution of the same laws and provisions? or beholding them daily broken, winketh not at the offenders? O merciful God, how long shall we be mockers of our selves? How long shall we scorn at our one calamity? which, both with the eyes of our mind, and also our bodily eyes, we see daily imminent, by neglecting our public weal, and contemning the due execution of laws and ordinances. But I shall hereof more speak in another place; and return now to the second utility found in shooting in the long bow, which is killing of deer, wild fowl, and other game, wherein is both profit and pleasure above any other artillery.

And verily I suppose that before cross bows and hand guns were brought into this realm, by the sleight of our enemies, to the intent to destroy the noble defense of archery, continual use of shooting in the long bow made the feat so perfect and exact among English men, that they than as surely and soon killed such game, which they listed to have, as they now can do with the cross bow or gun, and more expeditely, and with less labour they did it. For being therein industrious, they killed their game further from them (if they shot a great strength) than they can with a crossbow, except it be of such weight, that the arm shall repent the bearing thereof twenty years after. Moreover in the long bow may be shot more arrows, and in less time, ne by the breaking thereof ensueth so much harm as by the breaking of the crossbow. Besides that all times in bending, the crossbow is in peril of breaking.

But this sufficeth for the declaration of shooting, whereby it is sufficiently proved that it incomparably excelleth all other exercise, pastime, or solace. And hereat I conclude to write of exercise, which appertaineth as well to princes and noblemen, as to all others by their example, which determine to pass forth their lives in virtue and honesty. And hereafter, with the assistance of God, unto whom I render this my account (for the talent I have of him received), I purpose to write of the principal and (as I might say) the particular study and affairs of him, that by the providence of God, is called to the most difficult cure of a public weal.

What things he that is elected or appointed to be a governor of a public weal ought to premeditate.

In the book preceding I have (as I trust) sufficiently declared as well what is to be called a very and right public weal, as also that there should be thereof one prince and sovereign above all other governors. And I have also expressed my conceit and opinion touching not only the studies, but also the exercises concerning the necessary education of noblemen and others, called to the governance of a public weal, in such form as, by the noble example of their lives and the fruit thereof coming, the public weal, that shall happen to be under their governance, shall not fail to be accounted happy, and the authority on them to be employed well and fortunately. Now will I treat of the preparation of such personages, when they first receive any great dignity, charge, or governance of the weal public.

First, such persons being now adult, that is to say, passed their childhood as well in manners as in years, if for their virtues and learning they happen to be called to receive any dignity, they should first amoue all company from them; and in a secrete oratory of privy chambre, by themselves assemble all the powers of their wits to remember these VII articles, which I have not of my own heed devised, but excerpted or gathered as well out of holy scripture as out of the works of other excellent writers of famous memory, as they shall soon perceive which have read and perused good authors in Greek and Latin.

First, and above all thing, let them consider that from God only proceedeth all honour, and that neither noble progeny, succession, nor election be of such force, that by them any estate or dignity may be so established that God being steered to vengeance shall not shortly resume it, and, perchance translate it where it shall like him. And forasmuch as examples greatly do profit in the stead of experience, here shall it be necessary, to remember the history of Saul, whom God himself elected to be the first king of Israel; that where God commanded him by the mouth of Samuel the prophet, that forasmuch as the people called Amalech had resisted the children of Israel, when they first departed from Egypt, he should therefore destroy all the country, and slay men, women, and children, all beasts and cattle, and that he should nothing save or keep thereof. But Saul after that he had vanquished Amalech, and taken Agag, king thereof, prisoner, he having on him compassion saved his life only. Also he preserved the best oxen, cattle, and Vestures, and all other things that were fairest and of most estimation, and would not consume them according as God had commanded him, saying to Samuel that the people kept it to the intent that they would make therewith to almighty God a solemn sacrifice. But Samuel, reproving him, said, Better is obedience than sacrifice, with other words that do follow in the history. Finally, for that offence only, almighty God abjected Saul, that he should no more reign over Israel, and caused Samuel forthwith to anoint David king, the youngest son of a poor man of Bethlehem, named Isai, which was keeping his father's sheep. Sens for once neglecting the commandment of God, and that neither natural pity, nor the intent to do sacrifice with that which was saved, might excuse transgression of God's commandment nor mitigate his grievous displeasure. How vigilant ought a Christian man being in authority how vigilant (I say), industrious and diligent ought he to be in the administration of a public weal? Dreading always the words that be spoken by eternal sapience to them that be governors of public weals; All power and virtue is given of the Lord that of all others is highest, who shall examine your deeds, and ensearch your thoughts. For when ye were the ministers of his realm ye judged not uprightly, nor observed the law of justice, nor ye walked not according to his pleasure. He shall shortly and terribly appear unto you. For most hard and grievous judgement shall be on them that have rule over others. To the poor man mercy is granted, but the great men shall suffer great torments. He that is lord of all excepteth no person, ne he shall fear the greatness of any man; for he made as well the great as the small, and careth for every of them equally. The stronger or of more might is the person, the stronger pain is to him imminent. Therefore to you governors be these my words, that ye may learn wisdom and fall not.

This notable sentence is not only to be imprinted in the hearts of governors, but also to be oftentimes revolved and called to remembrance.

They shall not think how much honour they receive, but how much care and burden. Ne they shall not much esteem their revenues and treasure, considering that it is no buten or praie, but a laborious office and travail.

Let them think the greater dominion they have that thereby they sustain the more care and study. And that therefore they must have the less solace and pastime, and to sensual pleasures less opportunity.

Also when they behold their garments and other ornaments, rich and precious they shall think what reproach were to them surmount that which be there men's works, and not theirs, and to be vanquished of a poor subject in sundry virtues, whereof they themselves be the artificers.

They that regard them of whom they have governance no more than shall appertain to their own private commodities, they no better esteem them than other men doth their horses and mules, to whom they employ no less labour and diligence, not to the benefit of the silly beasts, but to their own necessities and singular advantage. The most sure foundation of noble renown is a man to be of such virtues and qualities as he desireth to be openly published. For it is a faint praise that is gotten with fear or by falterers given. And the fame is but fume which is supported with silence provoked by menaces.

They shall also consider that by their pre-eminence they sit, as it were on a pillar on the top of a mountain, where all the people do behold them, not only in their open affairs, but also in their secrete pastimes, privy dalliance, or other unprofitable or wanton conditions: which soon be discovered by the conversation of their most familiar servants, who do always embrace that study wherein their master delighteth: according to the sayings of Jesus Sirach, As the Judge of the people is, so be his ministers; and such as be the governors of the city, such be the people. Which sentence is confirmed by sundry histories: for Nero, Caligula, Domiciane, Lucius Commodus, Varius Heliogabalus, monstrous emperors, nourished about them ribalds and other voluptuous artificers. Maximianus, Dioclesian, Maxencius, and other persecutors of Christian men, lacked not inventors of cruel and terrible torments. Contrariwise reigning the noble Augustus, Nerua, Trajan, Hadrian, the two Antonines, and the wonderful emperor Alexander, for his gravity called Severus, the imperial palace was always replenished with eloquent orators delectable poets wise philosophers, most cunning and expert lawyers, prudent and valiant captains. More similar, examples shall hereof be found by them who purposely do read histories, whom of all others I most desire to be princes and governors.

These articles well and substantially graven in a nobleman's memory, it shall also be necessary to cause them to be delectably written and set in a table within his bed chamber, adding to the verses of Claudine, the noble poet, which he wrote to Theodosius and Honorius, emperors of Rome. The verses I have translated out of Latin into English, not without great study and difficulty, not observing the order as they stand, but the sentence belonging to my purpose.

Though that thy power stretcheth both far and large,
Through Inde the rich, set at the world's end,
And Mede with Arabi be both under thy charge,
And also Seres that silk to us doth send,
If fear the trouble, and small things the offends,
Corrupt desire thine heart bath once embraced,
Thou art in bondage, thine honour is defaced.
Thou shalt be deemed than worthy for to reign,
When of thyself thou winnest the mastery.
Evil custom bringeth virtue in disdain,
License superfluous persuadeth much folly;
Into much pleasure set not felicity,
If lust or anger do the mind assail,
Subdue occasion, and thou shalt soon prevail.
What thou mayest do delight not for to know,
But rather what thing will become the best
Embrace thou virtue and keep thy courage low,
And think that always measure is a feast.
Love well thy people, care also for the least,
And when thou studiest for thy commodity
Make them all partners of thy felicity.
Be not much moved with singular appetite,
Except it profit unto thy subjects all;
At thine example the people will delight,
Be it vice or virtue, with the they rise or fall.
No laws avail, men turn as doth a ball
For where the ruler in living is not stable,
Both law and counsel is turned into a fable.

These verses of Claudiane, full of excellent wisdoms, as I have said, would be in a table, in such a place as a governor once in a day may behold them especially as they be expressed in Latin by the said poet unto whose eloquence no translation in English may be equivalent. But yet were it better to can them by heart; ye, and if they were made in the form of a ditty to be sung to an instrument, O what a sweet song would it be in the ears of wise men? For a mean musician might thereof make a right pleasant harmony, where almost every note should express a counsel virtuous or necessary.

Ye have now hard what premeditations be expedient before that a man take on him the governance of a public weal. These notable premeditations and remembrances should be in his mind, who is in authority, oftentimes renewed. Than shall he proceed further in furnishing his person with honourable manners and qualities, whereof very nobility is compact; whereby all others shall be induced to honour him, love him, and fear him, which things chiefly do cause perfect obedience.

Now of these manners will I write in such order as in my conceit they be (as it were) naturally disposed and set in a nobleman, and soonest in him noted or espied.

The exposition of majesty.

In a governor or man having in the public weal some great authority, the fountain of all excellent manners is Majesty; which is the whole proportion and figure of noble estate, and is properly a beauty or comeliness in his countenance, language and gesture apt to his dignity, and accommodate to rime, place, and company; which, like as the sun doth his beams, so doth it caste on the beholders and hearers a pleasant and terrible reverence. In so much as the words or countenances of a nobleman should be in the stead of a firm and stable law to his inferiors. Yet is not Majesty always in haulte or fierce countenance, nor in speech outrageous or arrogant, but in honourable and sober demeanor, deliberate and grave pronunciation, words clean and facile, void of rudeness and dishonesty, without vain or inordinate jangling, with such an excellent temperance, that he, among and infinite number of other persons, by his majesty may be espied for a governor. Whereof we have a noble example in Homer of Ulysses, that when his ship and men were perished in the sea, and he not easily escaped, and was caste on land upon a coast where the inhabitants were called Pheacas, he being all naked, saving a mantel sent to him by the kings daughter, without other apparel or servant, represented such a wonderful majesty in his countenance and speech, that the king of the country, named Alcinous, in that extreme calamity, wished that Ulysses would take his daughter Nausicaa to wife, with a great part of his treasure. And declaring the honour that he bare toward him, he made for his sake divers noble esbatements, and pastimes. The people also wondering at his majesty, honoured him with sundry presents; and at their proper charges and expenses conveyed him into his own realm of Ithaca in a ship of wonderful beauty, well ordinanced and manned for his defense and safe conduct. The words of Alcinuous, whereby he declareth the majesty that he noted to be in Ulysses, I have put in English, not so well as I found them in Greek, but as well as my wit and tongue can express it.

Alcinous to Ulysses.
When I the consider, Ulysses, I perceive
Thou dost not dissemble to me in thy speech
As others have done, who craftily can deceive,
Untrue reporting where they list to preach
Of things never done; such falsehood they do teach.
But in they words there is a right good grace,
And that thy mind is good, it sheweth in thy face.

The estimation of majesty in countenance shall be declared by two examples now ensuing.

To Scipio, being in his manor place, called Linterium, came divers great thieves and pirates, only to the intent to see his person of whose wonderful prowess and sundry victories they hard the renown. But he not knowing but that they had come to endomage him, armed himself and such servants as he than had with him, and disposed them about the embattlements of his house to make defense; which the captains of the thieves perceiving, they dispatched the multitude from them, and laying apart their harness and weapons, they called to Scipio with a loud voice, saying that they came not as enemies, but wondering at his virtue and prowess desired only to see him, which if he vouched safe, they would account for an heavenly benefit. That being showed to Scipio by his servants, he caused the gates to be set wide open, and the thieves to be suffered to enter, who kissing the gates and posts with much reverence, as they had been of a temple or other place dedicate, they humbly approached to Scipio, who visaged them in such form that they, as subdued with a reverent dread in beholding his majesty, at the last joyfully kissing his hand oftentimes, which he benignly offered to them, made humble reverence, and so departed, laying in the porch similar offerings as they gave to their gods, and forth with returned to their own habitations rejoicing incredibly that they had seen and touched a prince so noble and valiant.

It is no little thing to marvel at, the majesty showed in extreme fortune and misery.

The noble Roman Marius, when he had been vii times Consul, being vanquished by Scilla, after that he had long hid himself in marises and desert places, he was finally constrained by famine to repair to a town called Minturne, where he trusted to have been succored. But the inhabitants, dreading the cruelty of Scilla, took Marius and put him into a dungeon. And after sent to slay him their common hangman, who was born in Cimbria, a country some time destroyed by Marius. The hangman beholding the honourable port and majesty that remained in Marius, notwithstanding that he was out of honorable apparel, and was in garments torn and filthy, he thought that in his visage appeared the terrible battle wherein Marius vanquished his country men he therefore all trembling, as constrained by fear, did let fall out of his hand the sword wherewith he should have slain Marius, and leaving him untouched, fled out of the place. The cause of his fear reported to the people, they moved with reverence, afterward studied and devised how they might deliver Marius from the malice of Scilla.

In Augustus, emperor of Rome, was a native majesty. For, as Suetonius writeth, from his eyes proceeded rays or beams, which pierced the eyes of the beholders. The same emperor spoke seldom openly, but out of a commentary, that is to say, that he had before provided and written, to the intent that he would speak no more ne less than he had purposed.

Moreover toward the acquiring of majesty, three things be required to be in the oration of a man having authority; that it be compendious, sententious, and delectable, having also respect to the time when, the place where, and the persons to whom it is spoken. For the words perchance apt for a banquet or time of solace, be not commendable in time of consultation or service of God. That language that in the chambre is tolerable, in place of judgement or great assembly, is nothing commendable.

What very nobility is, and whereof it took first that denomination.

Now it is to be feared that where majesty approacheth to excess, and the mind is obsessed with inordinate glory, lest pride, of all vices most horrible, should suddenly enter and take prisoner the heart of a gentleman called to authority. Wherefore inasmuch as that pestilence corrupteth all senses, and maketh them incurable by any persuasion or doctrine, therefore such persons from their adolescence (which is the age next to the state of man) ought to be persuaded and taught the true knowledge of very nobility in form following or like.

First, that in the beginning, when private possessions and dignity were given by the consent of the people, who than had all thing in common, and equality in degree and condition, undoubtedly they gave the one and the other to him at whose virtue they marveled, and by whose labour and industry they received a common benefit, as of a common father that with equal affection loved them. And that promptitude or readiness in employing that benefit was than named in English gentleness, as it was in Latin benignitas, and in other tongues after a similar signification, and the persons were called gentlemen, more for the remembrance of their virtue and benefit, than for discrepancy of estates. Also it fortuned by the providence of God that of those good men were engendered good children, who being brought up in virtue, and perceiving the cause of the advancement of their progenitors, endeavored themselves by imitation of virtue, to be equal to them in honour and authority; by good emulation they retained still the favour and reverence of people. And for the goodness that proceeded of such generation the state of them was called in Greek Eugenia, which signifyeth good kind or lineage, but in a more brief manner it was after called nobility, and the persons noble, which signifyeth excellent, and in the analogy or signification it is more ample than gentle, for it containeth as well all that which is in gentleness, as also the honour or dignity therefore received, which, be so annexed the one to the other that they cannot be separate

It would be moreover declared that where virtue joined with great possessions or dignity hath long continued in the blood or house of a gentleman, as it were an inheritance, there nobility is most shewed, and these noblemen be most to be honored forasmuch as continuance in all thing that is good hath ever preeminence in praise and comparison. But yet shall it be necessary to advertise those persons, that do think that nobility may in no wise be but only where men can avaunt them of ancient lineage, an ancient robe, or great possessions, at this day very noblemen do suppose to be much error and folly. Whereof there is a familiar example, which we bear ever with us, for the blood in our bodies being in youth warm, pure, and lusty, it is the occasion of beauty, which is every where commended and loved; but if in age it be putrefied, it loseth his praise. And the gouts, carbuncles, cankers, leprosies and other like sores and sicknesses, which do proceed of blood corrupted, be to all men detestable.

And this persuasion to any gentleman, in whom is apt disposition to very nobility, will be sufficient to withdraw him from such vice, whereby he may impair his own estimation, and the good renown of his ancestors.

If he have an ancient robe left by his ancestor, let him consider that if the first owner were of more virtue than he is that succedeth, the robe being worn, it diminisheth his praise to them who knew or have heard of the virtue of him that first owed it. If he that weareth it be vicious, it more detecteth how much he is unworthy to wear it, the remembrance of his noble ancestor making men to abhor the reproach given by an evil successor. If the first owner were not virtuous, it condemneth him that weareth it of much foolishness, to glory in a thing of so base estimation, which, lacking beauty or gloss, can be none ornament to him that weareth it, nor honorable remembrance to him that first owed it.

But now to confirm by true histories, that according as I late affirmed, nobility, is not only in dignity, ancient lineage, nor great revenues, lands, or possessions. Let young gentlemen have en times told to them, and (as it is vulgarly spoken) laid in their laps, how Numa Pompilius was taken from husbandry, which he exercised, and was made king of Romans by election of the people. What caused it suppose you but his wisdom and virtue ? which in him was very nobility, and that nobility brought him to dignity. And if that were not nobility, the Romans were marvelously abused, that after the death of Romulus their king, they having among them a hundred senators, whom Romulus did set in authority, and also the blood royal, and old gentlemen of the Sabines, who, by the procurement of the wives of the Romans, being their daughters, inhabited the city of Rome, they would not of some of them elect a king, rather than advance a ploughman and stranger to that authority.

Quintius having but thirty acres of land, and being ploughman thereof, the Senate and people of Rome sent a messenger to shewe him that they had chosen him to be dictator, which was at that time the highest dignity among the Romans, and for three months had authority royal. Quintius hearing the message, let his. plough stand, and went into the city and prepared his host against the Samnites, and vanquished them valiantly. And that done, he surrendered his office, and being discharged of the dignity, he repaired again to his plough, and applied it diligently.

I would demand now, if nobility were only in the dignity, or in his prowess, which he shewed against his enemies? If it were only in his dignity, it therewith ceased, and he was (as I might say) eftsones unnoble; and than was his prowess unrewarded, which was the chief and original cause of that dignity: which were incongruent and without reason. If it were in his prowess, prowess consisting of valiant courage and martial policy, if they still remain in the person, he may never be without nobility, which is the commendation, and as it were, the surname of virtue.

The two Romans called both Decii, were of the base estate of the people, and not of the great blood of the Romans, yet for the preservation of their country they avowed to die, as it were in a satisfaction for all their country. And so with valiant hearts they pierced the host of their enemies, and valiantly fighting, they died there honorably, and by their example gave such audacity and courage to the residue of the Romans, that they employed so their strength against their enemies, that with little more loss they obtained victory. Ought not these two Romans, which by their death gave occasion of victory, be called noble? I suppose no man that knoweth what reason is will deny it.

Moreover, we have in this realm coins which be called nobles; as long as they be seen to be gold, they be so called. But if they be counterfeited, and made in brass, copper, or other vile metal, who for the print only calleth them nobles? Whereby it appeareth that the estimation is in the metal, and not in the print or figure. And in a horse or good greyhound we praise that we see in them, and not the beauty or goodness of their progeny. Which proveth that in esteeming of money and cattle we be led by wisdom, and in approving of man, to whom beasts and money do serve, we be only induced by custom.

Thus I conclude that nobility is not after the vulgar opinion of men, but is only the praise and surname of virtue which the longer it continueth in a name or lineage, the more is nobility extolled and marveled at.

Of affability and the utility thereof in every estate.

To that which I before named gentleness, be incident three special qualities, affability, placability, and mercy of whom I will now separately declare the proper significations.

Affability is of a wonderful efficacy or power in procuring love. And it is in sundry wise, but most properly, where a man is facile or easy to be spoken unto. It is also where a man speaketh courteously, with a sweet speech or countenance, wherewith the hearers (as it were with a delicate odour) be refreshed, and allured to love him in whom is this most delectable quality. As contrariwise, men vehemently hate them that have a proud and haulte countenance, be they never so high in estate or degree. How often have I heard people say, when men in great authority have passed by without making gentle countenance to those who have done to them reverence: This man weeneth with a look to subdue all the world; nay, nay, men's hearts be free, and will love whom they list. And thereto all the other do consent in a murmur, as it were bees. Lord God how they be sore blinded who do ween that haulte countenance is a comeliness of nobility; where undoubted nothing is thereto a more greater blemish. As they have well proved who by fortunes mutability have changed their estate, when they perceive that the remembrance of their pride withdraweth all pity, all men rejoicing at the change of their fortune.

Dionise, the proud king of Sicily, after that for his intolerable pride he was driven by his people out of his realm, the remembrance of his haulte and stately countenance was to all men so odious, that he could be in no country well entertained. In so much as if he had not been relieved by learning, teaching a grammar school in Italy, he for lack of friends, had been constrained to beg for his living.

Similarly, Perses, king of Macedonia, and one of the richest kings that ever was in Greece, for his execrable pride, was at the last abandoned of all his allies and confederates, by reason whereof he was vanquished and taken prisoner by Paulus Emilius, one of the consuls of Rome; and not only he himself bounden and led as a captive, in the triumph of the said Paulus, but also the remembrance of his pride was so odious to people, that his own son, destitute of friends, was by need constrained to work in a smiths forge, not finding any man that of his hard fortune had any compassion.

The pride of Tarquin, the last king of Romans, was more occasion of his exile than the ravishing of Lucrecia by his son Aruncius, for the malice that the people by his pride had long gathered, finding valiant captains, Brutus, Colatinus Lucretius, and other nobles of the city, at the last braste out and taking occasion of the ravishment, although the king were thereto not party, they utterly expulsed him for ever out of the city. These be the fruits of pride, and that men do cal stately countenance.

When a nobleman passeth by, shewing to men a gentle and familiar visage, it is a world to behold how people taketh comfort, how the blood in their visage quickeneth, how their flesh stirreth, and hearts leapeth for gladness. Than they all speak as it were in an harmony, the one saith, Who beholding this mans most gentle countenance, will not with all his heart love him? Another saith, He is no man, but an angel; see how he rejoiceth all men that behold him. Finally, all do grant that he is worthy all honour that may be given or wished him.

But now to resort to that which most properly (as I have said) is affability, which is facile or easy to be spoken unto.

Marcus Antoninus, emperor of Rome (as Lampridius writeth) enserched, who were most homely and plain men within the cite, and secretly sent for them into his chamber, where he diligently enquered of them what the people conjectured of his living, commanding them upon pain of his high indignation to tell him truth, and hide nothing from him. And upon their report, if he heard anything worthy never so little dispraise, he forthwith amended it. And also by such means he corrected them that were about his person, finding them negligent, dissemblers, and flatterers. The noble Trajan, when his nobles and counselors noted him too familiar, and courteous, and therefore did blame him, he answered, that he would be a like emperor to other men, as if he were a subject he would wish to have ourselves.

O what damage ensued to princes and their realms where liberty of speech hath been restrained? What availed fortune incomparable to the great king Alexander, his wonderful puissance and hardiness, or his singular doctrine in philosophy, taught him by Aristotle, in delivering him from the death in his young and flourishing age? Where, if he had retained the same affability that was in him in the beginning of his conquest, and had not put to silence his counselors who before used to speak to him frankly, he might have escaped all violent death, and by similitude, have enjoyed the whole monarchy of all the world. For after that he waxed to be terrible in manners, and prohibited his friends and discrete servants to use their accustomed liberty in speech, he fell into a hateful grudge among his own people.

But I had almost forgotten Julius Caesar, who, being not able to sustain the burden of fortune, and envying his own felicity, abandoned his natural disposition, and as it were, being drunk with over much wealth, sought new ways how to be advanced above the estate of mortal princes. Wherefore little and little he withdrew from men his accustomed gentleness, becoming more sturdy in language, and strange in countenance, than ever before had been his usage. And to declare more plainly his intent, he made an edict or decree, that no man should press to come to him uncalled, and that they should have good await, that they spoke not in such familiar fashion to him as they before had been accustomed; whereby he so did alienate from him the hearts of his most wise and assured adherents, that, from that time forward, his life was to them tedious, and abhorring him as a monster or common enemy, they being knit in a confederacy slew him sitting in the Senate; of which conspiracy was chief captain, Marcus Brutus, whom of all others he best loved, for his great wisdom and prowess. And it is of some writers suspected that he was begotten of Caesar, forasmuch as Caesar in his youth loved Servilia, the mother of Brutus, and, as men supposed, used her more familiarly than honesty required. Thus Caesar, by omitting his old affability, did incende his next friends and companions to slay him.

But now take heed what domage ensued to him by his decree, wherein he commanded that no man should be so hardy to approach or speak to him. One who knew of the conspiracy against him, and by all likelihood did participate therein, being moved either with love or pity, or otherwise his conscience remording against the destruction of so noble a prince, considering that by Caesar's decree he was prohibited to have to him any familiar access, so that he might not plainly detect the conspiracy; he, thereto vehemently moved, wrote in a bill all the form thereof, with the means how it might be espied, and since he might find none other opportunity, he delivered the bill to Caesar the same day that his death was prepared, as he went toward the place where the Senate was held. But he being radicate in pride, and neglecting to look on that bill, not esteeming the person that delivered it, who perchance was but of a mean behaviour, continued his way to the Senate, where he incontinently was slain by the said Brutus, and many more of the Senate for that purpose appointed.

Who beholding the cause of the death of this most noble Caesar, unto whom in eloquence, doctrine, martial prowess, and gentleness, no prince may be compared, and the acceleration or haste to his confusion, caused by his own edict or decree, will not commend affability and extol liberty of speech? Whereby only love is in the hearts of people perfectly kindled, all fear excluded, and consequently realms, dominions and all other authorities consolidate and perpetually established. The sufferance of noblemen to be spoken unto is not only to them an incomparable surety, but also a confounder of repentance, enemy to prudence, whereof is engendered this word, Had I wist, which hath been ever of all wise men reproved.

On a time king Philip, father to the great Alexander, sitting in judgement, and having before him a matter against one of his soldiers, being overcome with watch fell on a slumber, and suddenly being awaked, immediately would have given a sentence against the poor soldier. But he, with a great voice and outcry, said, King Philip I appeal. To whom wilt thou appeal? said the king. To the (said the soldier) when thou art thoroughly awaked. With which answer the king suspended his sentence, and more diligently examining the matter, found the soldier had wrong; which being sufficiently discussed, he gave judgement for him, whom before he would have Condemned.

Similarly happened by a poor woman, against whom the same king had given judgement; but she as desperate, with a loud voice, cried, I appeal, I appeal. To whom appealest thou? said the king. I appeal, said she, from the, now being drunk, to king Philip the sober. At which words, though they were indiscrete and foolish, yet he, not being moved to displeasure, but gathering to him his wits, examined the matter more seriously; whereby, he finding the poor woman to sustain wrongs, he reversed his judgement, and according to truth and justice gave, to her that she demanded. Wherein he is of noble authors commended, and put for an honorable example of affability.

The noble emperor Antonine, called the philosopher, was of such affability, as Herodiane writeth, that to every man that came to him he gently delivered his hand; and would not permit that his guard should prohibit any man to approach him.

The excellent emperor Augustus on a time, in the presence of many men, played on cymbals, or another like instrument. A poor man, standing with others and beholding the emperor, said with a loud voice to his fellow, Seest thou not how this voluptuous lecher tempereth all the world with his finger? Which words the emperor so wisely noted, without wrath or displeasure, that ever after, during his life, he refrained his hands from similar lightness.

The good Antonine, emperor of Rome, coming to supper to a mean gentleman, beheld in the house certain pillars of a delicate stone, called porphyry, asked of the good man, where he had bought those pillars. Who made to the emperor this answer, Sir, when ye come into any other man's house than your own, ever be you dumb and deaf. Which liberal taunt that most gentle emperor took in so good part that he oftentimes rehearsed that sentence to others for a wise and discrete counsel.

By these examples appeareth now evidently what good cometh of affability, or sufferance of speech, what most pernicious danger always ensueth to them, that either do refuse counsel, or prohibit liberty of speech; since that in liberty (as it hath been proved) is most perfect surety, according as it is remembered by Plutarch of Theopompus, king of Lacedemone, who being demanded, how a realm might be best and most surely kept; If (said he) the prince give to his friends liberty to speak to him things that be just, and neglecteth not the wrongs that his subject sustaineth.

How noble a virtue placability is.

Placability is no little part of Benignity, and it is properly where a man is by any occasion moved to be angry, and, notwithstanding, either by his own reason ingenerate, or by counsel persuaded, he omiteth to be revenged, and oftentimes receiveth the transgressor once reconciled into more favour; which undoubtedly is a virtue wonderful excellent. For, as Tully saith, no thing is more to be marveled at, or that more becometh a man noble and honorable, than mercy and placability. The value thereof is best known by the contrary, which is ire, called vulgarly wrath, a vice most ugly and farthest from humanity. For who, beholding a man in estimation of nobility and wisdom by fury changed into an horrible figure, his face infraced with rancor, his mouth foul and imbosed, his eyes wide staring and sparkling like fire, not speaking, but as a wild bull, roaring and braying out words despiteful and venomous; forgetting his estate or condition, forgetting learning, ye forgetting all reason, will not have such a passion in extreme detestation? Shall he not wish to be in such a man placability? Whereby only he should be eftsones restored to the form of a man, whereof he is by wrath despoiled, as it is wondrously well described by Ovid in his craft of love.

Man, to thy visage it is convenient
Beastly fury shortly to assuage.
For peace is beautiful to man only sent,
Wrath to the beasts cruel and savage.
For in man the face swelleth when wrath is in rage,
The blood becometh wan, the eyes fire bright,
Like Gorgon the monster appearing in the night.

This Gorgon, that Ovid speaketh of, is supposed of poets to be a fury or infernal monster, whose hairs were all in the figure of adders, signifying the abundance of mischief that is contained in wrath.

Wherewith the great king Alexander being (as I might say) obsessed, did put to vengeful death his dear friend Clitus, his most prudent counselor Calisthenes, his most valiant captain Philotas, with his father Parmenio, and diverse others. Whereof he so sore after repented, that oppressed with heaviness he had slain himself, had he not been let by his servants. Wherefore his fury and inordinate wrath is a foul and grievous blemish to his glory, which, without that vice, had incomparably excelled all other princes.

Who abhoreth or hateth not the violence or rage that was in Scilla and Marius, noble Romans, and in their time in highest authority within the city, having the governance of the more part of the world?

Scilla, for the malignity that he had toward Marius, caused the heads of a thousand and seven hundred of the chief citizens of Rome to be stricken off, and brought to him fresh bleeding and quick, and thereon fed his most cruel eyes, which to eat his mouth naturally abhorred. Marius with no less rancor inflamed, beside a terrible slaughter that he made of noblemen leaning to Scilla, he also caused Caius Caesar (who had been both Consul and Censor, two of the most honorable dignities in the city of Rome) to be violently drawn to the sepulture of one Varius, a simple and seditious; person, and thereto be dishonestly slain. With like bestial fury he caused the head of Marcus Antonius, one of the most eloquent orators of all the Romans, to be brought unto him as he sate at diner, and there took the head all bloody between his hands, and with a malicious countenance reproached him of his eloquence, wherewith he had not only defended many an innocent, but also the whole public weal had been by his wise consultations singularly profited.

O what calamity happened to the most noble city of Rome by the implacability or wrath insatiable of these two captains, or (as I might rather say) devils? The nobles between them exhaust, the chivalry almost consumed, the laws oppressed, and lacking but little that the public weal had not been extinct, and the city utterly desolate.

The indiscrete hastiness of the emperor Claudius caused him to be noted for foolish. For moved with wrath he caused diverse to be slain, for whom after he demanded, and would send for to supper. Notwithstanding that he was right well learned, and in diverse great affairs appeared to be wise. This discommodities do happen by implacable wrath, whereof there be examples innumerable.

Contrariwise the valiant king Pirrhus, hearing that two men at a feast, and in a great assembly and audience had openly spoken words to his reproach, he, moved with displeasure, sent for the persons, and when they were come, he demanded where they spoke of him any such words. Whereunto one of them answered. If (said he) the wine had not the sooner failed us, all that which was told to your highness, in comparison of that which should have been spoken, had been but trifles. The wise prince, with that plain confession was mitigate, and his wrath converted to laughing.

Julius Caesar, after his victory against the great Pompeii, who had married his daughter, sitting in open judgement, one Sergius Galba, one of the nobles of Rome a friend unto Pompeii, said unto him, I was bounden for thy son in law, Pompeii, in a great some, when he was consul the third time, wherefore I am now sued, what shall I do? shall I myself pay it? By which words he might seem to reproach Caesar of the selling of Pompeis goods, in defrauding his creditors. But Caesar, than having a gentle heart and a patient, was moved with no displeasure toward Galba, but caused Pompeis debts to be discharged.

We lack not of this virtue domestic examples, I mean of our own kings of England; but most especially one, which, in my opinion, is to be compared with any that ever was written of in any region or country.

The most renowned prince, king Henry the fifth, late king of England, during the life of his father was noted to be fierce and of wanton courage. It happened that one of his servants whom he well favored, for felony by him committed, was arraigned at the, kings bench; whereof he being advertised, and incensed by light persons about him, in furious rage came hastily to the bar, where his servant stood as a prisoner, and commanded him to be released and set at liberty, where at all men were abashed, reserved the chief justice, who, humbly exhorted the prince to be contented that his servant might be ordered according to the ancient laws of this realm, or if he would have him saved from the rigour of the laws, that he should obtain, if he might, of the king, his father, his gracious pardon; whereby no law or justice should be derogate. With which answer the prince nothing appeased, but rather more inflamed, endeavoured himself to take away his servant. The judge considering the perilous example and inconvenience that might thereby ensue, with a valiant spirit and courage commanded the prince upon his allegiance to leave the prisoner and depart his way. With which commandment the prince, being set all in a fury, all chafed, and in a terrible manner, came up to the place of judgement - men thinking that he would have slain the judge, or have done to him some damage; but the judge sitting still, without moving, declaring the majesty of the kings place of judgement, and with an assured and bold countenance, had to the prince these words following: Sir, remember yourself; I keep here the place of the king, your sovereign lord and father, to whom ye owe double obedience, wherefore, eftsoons in his name, I charge you desist of your willfulness and unlawful enterprise, and from henceforth give good example to those who hereafter shall be your proper subjects. And now for your contempt and disobedience, go you to the prison of the kings bench, whereunto I commit you; and remain ye there prisoner until the pleasure of the king, your father, be further known. With which words being abashed, and also wondering at the marvelous gravity of that worshipful justice, the noble prince, laying his weapon apart, doing reverence, departed and went to the kings bench as he was commanded. Whereat his servants disdaining, came and shewed to the king all the whole affairs. Whereat he a whiles studying, after as a man all ravished with gladness, holding his eyes and hands toward heaven, abrayded, saying with a loud voice, merciful God, how much am I, above all other men, bound to your infinite goodness; especially for that ye have given me a judge, who feareth not to minister justice, and also a son who can suffer similarly and obey justice?

Now here a man may behold three persons worthy excellent memory. First, a judge, who being a subject, feared not to execute justice on the eldest son his of his sovereign lord, and by the order of nature his successor. Also a prince and son and heir of the king, in the midst of his fury, more considered his evil example, and the judges constancy in justice, than his own estate or willful appetite. Thirdly, a noble king and wise father, who contrary to the custom of parents, rejoiced to see his son and the heir of his crown, to be for his disobedience by his subject corrected.

Wherefore I conclude that nothing is more honorable, or to be desired in a prince or nobleman, than placability. As contrariwise, nothing is so detestable, or to be feared in such one, as wrath and cruel malignity.

That a governor ought to be merciful and the diversity of mercy and vain pity.

Mercy is and hath been ever of such estimation with mankind, that not only reason persuadeth, but also experience proveth, that in whom mercy lacketh and is not found, in him all other virtues be drowned and lose their just commendation.

The vice called cruelty, which is contrary to mercy, is by good reason most odious of all other vices, inasmuch as, like a poison or continual pestilence, it destroyeth the generation of man. Also the virtues being in a cruel person be not only obfuscate or hidden, but also likewise as nourishing meats and drinks in a sick body do lose their bounty and augment the malady, similarly diverse virtues in a person malicious do minister occasion and assistance to cruelty.

But now to speak of the inestimable price and value of mercy. Let governors, who know that they have received their power from above, revolve in their minds in what peril they themselves be in daily if in God were not abundance of mercy, but that as soon as they offend him grievously, he should immediately strike them with his most terrible dart of vengeance. Albeit hardly any hour passeth that men deserve not some punishment.

The most noble emperors, who for their merits received of the gentiles divine honours, vanquished the great hearts of their mortal enemies, in showing mercy above men's expectation. Julius Caesar, who in policy, eloquence, celerity, and prowess, excelled all other captains, in mercy only he surmounted himself: that is to say, contrary to his own affectes and determinate purposes, he not only spared, but also received into tender familiarity his sworn enemies. Wherefore, if the disdain of his own blood and alliance had not traitorously slain him, he had reigned long and prosperously.

But among many other examples of mercy, whereof the histories of Rome do abound, there is one remembered by Seneca, which may be in the stead of a great number.

It was reported to the noble emperor Octavius Augustus, that Lucius Cinna, who was sister's son to the great Pompei, had imagined his death. Also that Cinna was appointed to execute his feat whiles the emperor was doing his sacrifice. This report was made by one of the conspirators, and therewith diverse other things agreed: the old hostility between the houses of Pompei and Caesar, the wild and seditious wit of Cinna, with the place and time, where and when the emperor should be disfurnisshed of servants. No wonder though the emperors mind were unquiet, being in so perilous a conflict, considering only the one part, that if he should put to death Cinna, who came of one of the most noble and ancient houses of Rome, he should ever live in danger, unless he should destroy all that noble family, and cause the memory of them to he utterly exterminate; which might not be brought to pass without effusion of the blood of persons innumerable, and also peril of the subversion of the empire late pacified. On the other part, he considered the imminent danger that his person was in, wherefore nature steered him to provide for his surety, whereto he thought than to be none other remedy but the death of his adversary. To him being thus perplexed came his wife Livia, the empress, who said unto him, Pleaseth it you, sir, to hear a woman's advice. Do you as physicians be wont to do, where their accustomed remedies prove not, they do assay the contrary. By severity ye have hitherto nothing profited, prove therefore now what mercy may avail you. Forgive Cinna; he is taken, with the maynure and may not now indomage you, profit he may much to the increase of your renown and perpetual glory. The emperor rejoiced to himself that Cinna had found such an advocatrice and giving her thanks he caused his counselors, who he had sent for, to be countermanded, and calling to him Cinna only, he commanded the chambre to be avoided, and another chair to be set for Cinna; and that done he said in this manner to him: I desire of the this one thing, that whiles I speak, thou wilt not let or disturb me, or in the midst of my words make any exclamation. What time, Cinna, I found thee in the host of my enemies, although thou were not by any occasion made my enemy, but by succession from thine ancestors born my enemy, I not only saved thee, but also gave unto thee all thine inheritance; and at this day thou art so prosperous and rich, that they who had with me victory, do envy thee that were vanquished. Thou asked of me a spiritual promotion, and forthwith I gave it thee before many others, whose parents had served me in wars. And for that I have done so much for thee, thou now hast purposed to slay me. At that word when Cinna cried out, saying that such madness was far from his mind, Cinna, (said the emperor) thou keepest not promise; it was covenanted that thou shouldst not interrupt me. I say thou preparest to kill me. And thereto the Emperor named his companions, the place, time, and order of all the conspiracy, and also to whom the sword was committed. And when he perceived him astonished, holding than his peace, not for by cause that he so promised, but that his conscience him moved; For what intent didest thou thus? (said Augustus) Because thou wouldst be emperor? In good faith the public weal is in an evil estate, if nothing letteth thee to reign, but I only; thou canst not maintain or defend thine own house. It is not long since that thou in a private judgement were over common of a poor man but late enfranchised; therefore thou mayest nothing do lightlier than plead against the emperor. Say now, do I alone let thee of thy purpose? Supposest thou that Paul, Fabius Maximum, the Cosses, and Serviliis, ancient houses of Rome, and such a sort of noblemen (not they who have vain and glorious names, but such as for their merits be adorned with their proper images) will suffer thee? Finally, said the emperor, (after that he had talked with him by the space of two hours), I give to thee thy life, Cinna, the second time first being my enemy, now a traitor and murderer of thy sovereign lord, whom thou oughtst to love as thy father. Now from this day let amity between us two begin; and let us both contend whether I with a better heart have given to thee thy life, or that thou canst more gently recompense my kindness. Soon after Augustus gave to Cinna the dignity of Consul undesired, blaming him that he durst not ask it; whereby he had him most assured and loyal. And Cinna afterward dying, gave to the emperor all his goods and possessions. And never after was Augustus in danger of any treason. O what sufficient praise may be given to this most noble and prudent emperor, that in a chambre alone, without men, ordinance, or weapon, and perchance without harnes, within the space of two hours, with words well couched, tempered with majesty, not only vanquished and subdued one mortal enemy, who by a malignity, engendered of a domestic hatred, had determined to slay him, but by the same feat excluded out of the whole city of Rome all displeasure and rancor toward him, so that there was not left any occasion whereof might proceed any little suspicion of treason, which otherwise could not have happened without slaughter of people innumerable.

Also the empress Livia may not of right be forgotten, who ministered to her lord that noble counsel in such a perplexity; whereby he saved both himself and his people. Suppose ye that all the Senators of Rome and counselors of the emperor, who were little fewer than a thousand, could have better advised him? This history therefore is no less to be remembered of women than of princes, taking thereby comfort to persuade sweetly their husbands to mercy and patience; to which counsel only they should be admitted and have free liberty. But I shall forbear to speak more of Livia now, forasmuch as I purpose to make a book only for ladies; whereinher laude shall be more amply expressed. But to resort now to mercy.

Surely nothing more entirely and fastly joineth the hearts of subjects to their prince or sovereign than mercy and gentleness. For Seneca saith, a temperate dread represseth high and sturdy minds; fear frequent and sharp, set forth with extremity steereth men to presumption and hardiness, and constraineth them to experiment all things. He that hastily punisheth oft times son repenteth. And who that over much correcteth, observeth none equity. And if ye ask me what mercy is, it is a temperance of the mind of him that hath of him that hath power to be avenged and it is called in Latin Clementia, and is always joined with reason. For he that for every little occasion is moved with compassion, and beholding a man punished condignely for his offence lamenteth or waileth, is called piteous, which is a sickness of the mind, wherewith at this day the more part of men be diseased. And yet is the sickness much worse by adding to one word, calling it vain pity.

Some man perchance will demand of me what is vain pity? To that I will answer in a description of daily experience. Behold what an infinite number of English men and women at this present time wander in all places throughout this realm, as beasts brute and savage, abandoning all occupation, service, and honesty. How many seemly personages, by outrage in riot, gaming, and excess of apparel, be induced to theft and robbery, and some time to murder, to the inquietation of good men, and finally to their own destruction?

Now consider similarly what noble statutes, ordinances, and acts of counsel from time to time have been excogitate, and by grave study and mature consultation enacted and decreed, as well for the due punishment of the said idle persons and vagabonds, as also for the suppression of unlawful games and reducing apparel to convenient moderation and temperance. How many proclamations thereof have been divulgated and not obeyed? How many commissions directed and not executed? (Mark well here, that disobedient subjects and negligent governors do frustrate good laws) A man hearing that his neighbour is slain or robbed, fourth with hateth the offender and abhoreth his enormity, thinking him worthy to be punished according to the laws; yet when he beholdeth the transgressor, a seemly personage, also to be his servant, acquaintance, or a gentleman born, (I omit now to speak of any other corruption), he forthwith changeth his opinion, and prefereth the offender's condition or personage before the example of justice, condemning a good and necessary law, for to excuse an offence pernicious and damnable; ye and this is not only done by the vulgar or common people, but much rather by them who have authority to them committed concerning the effectual execution of laws. They behold at their eye the continual increase of vagabonds into infinite numbers, the obstinate resistance of them that daily do transgress the laws made against games and apparel, which be the straight paths to robbery and similar mischief; yet if any one commissioner, moved with zeal to his country, according to his duty do execute duly and frequently the law or good ordinance, wherein is any sharp punishment, some of his companions thereat boil up, defaming him to be a man without charity, calling him secretly a pike thank, or ambitious of glory, and by such manner of obloquy they seek means to bring him into the hatred of people. And this may well be called vain pity; wherein is contained neither justice nor yet commendable charity, but rather thereby ensueth negligence, contempt, disobedience, and finally all mischief and incurable misery.

If this sickness had reigned among the old Romans, suppose ye that the estate of their public weal had six hundred years increased, and two hundred years continued in one excellent estate and wonderful majesty? Or think ye that the same Romans might so have ordered many great countries, with fewer ministers of justice than be now in one shire of England? But of that matter, and also of rigour and equality of punishment, I will treat more amply in a place more propitious for that purpose.

And here I conclude to write any more at this time of mercy.

Of the noble and most excellent Virtue named Justice.

The most excellent and incomparable virtue called justice is so necessary and expedient for the governor of a public weal, that without it none other virtue may be commendable, ne wit or any manner of doctrine profitable. Tully saith, that at the beginning when the multitude of people were oppressed by them that abounded in possessions and substance, they espying someone who excelled in virtue and strength, to him they repaired who ministering equity, when he had defended the poor men from injury, finally he retained together and governed the greater persons with the less, in an equal and indifferent order. Wherefore they called that man a king, which is as much to say as a ruler. And as Aristotle saith, justice is not only a portion or spice of virtue, but it is entirely the same virtue. And thereof only (saith Tully) men be called good men, as who saith that without justice all other qualities and virtues cannot make a man good.

The ancient Civilians do say justice is a will perpetual and constant, which giveth to every man his right. In that it is named constant, it importeth fortitude; in discerning what is right or wrong, prudence is required, and to proportion the sentence or judgement in an equality, it belongeth to temperance. All these together conglutinate and effectually executed maketh a perfect definition of justice.

Justice although it be but one entire virtue, yet is it described in two kinds or spices. The one is named justice distributive, which is in distribution of honour, money, benefit, or other thing similar; the other called commutative or by exchange, and of Aristotle it is named in Greek Diorthotice, which is in English corrective. And that part of justice is contained in intermeddling, and sometime is voluntary, sometime involuntary intermeddling. Voluntary is buying and selling, love, surety, letting, and taking, and all other things wherein is mutual consent at the beginning; and therefore is it called voluntary. Intermeddling involuntary sometime is privily done, as stealing, adultery, poisoning, falsehood, deceit, secrete murder, false witness, and perjury; sometime it is violent, as battery, open murder and manslaughter, robbery, open reproach and other like. Justice distributive hath regard to the person; justice commutative hath no regard to the person, but only considering the inequality whereby the one thing exceedeth the other, endeavoureth to bring them both to an equality. Now will I return again to speak first of justice distributive, leaving justice commutative to another volume, which I purpose shall succeed this work, God giving me time and quietness of mind to perform it.

The first part of Justice distributive.

It is not to be doubted but that the first and principal part of justice distributive is, and ever was, to do to God that honour which is due to his divine majesty; which honour (as I before said in the first book, where I wrote of the motion called honour in dancing) consisteth in love, fear, and reverence. For since all men grant that justice is to give to every man his own, much more to render one good deed for another, most of all to love God, of whom we have all things, and without him we were nothing, and being perished we were eftsoons recovered, how ought we (to whom is given the very light of true faith) to embrace this part of justice more, or at the least no less, than the gentiles; who wandering in the darkness of ignorance knew not God as he is, but dividing his majesty into sundry portions imagined Idols of diverse forms and names, assigned to them particular authorities, offices and dignities. Notwithstanding, in the honouring of those gods, such as they were, they supposed always to be the chief part of justice.

Romulus (the first king of Romans) for his fortune and benefits, which he ascribed to his gods, made to the honour of them great and noble Temples, ordaining to them images, sacrifices, and other ceremonies. And moreover (which is much to be marveled at) he also prohibited that anything should be read or spoken reproachable or blasphemous to God. And therefore he excluded all fables made of the adulteries and other enormities that the Greeks had feigned their gods to have committed; inducing his people to speak and also to conjecture nothing of God but only that which was in nature most excellent, which after was also commanded by Plato in the first book of his public weal.

Numa Pompilius, who was the next king after Romulus, and thereto elect by the Senate, although he were a stranger born, and dwelling with his father in a little town of the Sabines, yet he considering from what estate he came to that dignity, he being a man of excellent wisdom and learning thought that he could never sufficiently honour his gods for that benefit by whose providence he supposed that he had attained the governance of so noble a people and city. He therefore not only increased within the city Temples, altars, ceremonies, priests, and sundry religions, but also with a wonderful wisdom and policy (which is too long to be now rehearsed) he brought all the people of Rome to such a devotion, or (as I might say) a superstition, that where always before, during the time that Romulus reigned, which was thirty seven years, they ever were continually occupied in wars and raven, they by the space of forty three years (so long reigned Numa) gave themselves all as it were to an observance of religion, abandoning wars, and applying in such wise their study to the honouring of their gods and increasing their public weal, that other people adjoining wondering at them, and for their devotion having the city in reverence, as it were a palace of god, all that season never attempted any wars against them or with any hostility invaded their country. Many more princes and noblemen of the Romans could I rehearse who for the victories had against their enemies razed Temples and made solemn and sumptuous plays in honour of their gods, rendering (as it were) unto them their duty, and always accounting it the first part of justice. And this part of justice toward God in honouring him with convenient ceremonies is not to be contemned; example we have among us that be mortal. For if a man being made rich, and advanced by his lord or master, will provide to receive him a fair and pleasant lodging, hanged with rich Aresses or tapestry, and with goodly plate and other things necessary most freshly adorned, but, after that his master is once entered, he will never entertain or countenance him but as a stranger, suppose ye that the beauty and garnishing of the house shall only content him, but that he will think that his servant brought him thither only for vain glory, and as a beholder and wonderer at the riches that he himself gave him, which the other unthankfully doth attribute to his own fortune or policy? Much rather is that servant to be commended, who having a little reward of his master, will in a small cottage make him hearty cheer with much humble reverence.

Yet would I not be noted that I would seem so much to extol reverence by itself, that churches and other ornaments dedicate to God should be therefore contemned. For undoubtedly such things be not only commendable, but also expedient for the augmentation and continuing of reverence. For be it either after the opinion of Plato, that all this world is the temple of God, or that man is the same temple, these material churches whereunto repaireth the congregation of Christian people, in the which is the corporal presence of the son of God and very God, aught to be like to the said temple, pure, clean, and well adorned; that is to say, that as the heaven visible is most pleasantly garnished with planets and stars resplendent in the most pure firmament of azure colour, the earth furnished with trees, herbs, and flowers of diverse colours, fashions, and savours, beasts, fowls, and fishes of sundry kinds, similarly the soul of man of his own kind being incorruptible, neat, and clear, the senses and powers wonderful and pleasant, the virtues in it contained noble and rich, the form excellent and royal, as that which was made to the similitude of God. Moreover the body of man is of all other mortal creatures in proportion and figure most perfect and elegant. What perverse or froward opinion were it to think that God, still being the same God that he ever was, would have his majesty now contemned, or be in less estimation? but rather more honoured for the benefits of his glorious passion, which may be well perceived, who so peruseth the holy history of the Evangelists, where he shall find in order that he desired cleanness and honour. First in preparation of his coming, which was by the washing and, cleansing of the body of man by baptism in water, the soul also made clean by penance, the election of the most pure and clean virgin to be his mother, and she also of the line of princes most noble and virtuous. It pleased him much that Mary humbly kneeled at his feet and washed them with precious balm and wiped them with her hair. In his glorious transfiguration his visage shone like the son, and his garments were wonderful white, and more pure (as the Evangelist saith) than any workman could make them. Also at his coming to Jerusalem toward his passion, he would than be received with great routes of people, who laying their garments on the way as he rode, other casting boughs abroad went before him in form of a triumph. All this honour would he have before his resurrection, when he was in the form of humility. Than how much honour is due to him now that all power is given to him, as well in heaven as in earth, and being glorified of his father, sitteth on his right hand, judging all the world.

In reading the bible men shall find that the infinite number of the sturdy hearted Jews could never have been governed by any wisdom, if they had not been bridled with ceremonies. The superstition of the gentiles preserved oftentimes as well the Greeks as the Romans from final destruction. But we will lay all those histories apart and come to our own experience.

For what purpose was it ordained that Christian kings (although they by inheritance succeeded their progenitors kings) should in an open and stately place before all their subjects receive their crown and other Regalities, but that by reason of the honorable circumstances then used should be impressed in the hearts of the beholders perpetual reverence, which (as I before said) is fountain of obedience; or else might the kings be anointed and receive their charge in a place secrete, with less pain to them and also their ministers? Let it be also considered that we be men and not angels, wherefore we know nothing but by outward significations. Honour, whereto reverence pertaineth, is (as I have said) the reward of virtue, which honour is but the estimation of people, which estimation is not every where perceived, but by some exterior sign, and that is either by laudable report, or excellency in vesture, or other thing similar. But report is not so common a token as apparel. For in old time kings ware crowns of gold, and knights only ware chains. Also the most noble of the Romans ware sundry garlands, whereby was perceived their merit. O creatures most unkind and barren of justice that will deny that thing to their God and creator, which of very duty and right is given to him by good reason afore all princes who in a decree incomparable be his subjects and vassals. By which opinion they seem to despoil him of reverence, which shall cause all obedience to cease, whereof will ensue utter confusion, if good Christian princes moved with zeal do not shortly provide to extinct utterly all such opinions.

That justice aught to be between enemies.

Such is the excellency of this virtue justice, that the practice thereof hath not only obtained digne commendation of such persons as between whom hath been mortal hostility, but also it hath extinct oftentimes the same hostility. And fierce hearts of mutual enemies hath been thereby rather subdued than by armor or strength of people. As it shall appear by examples ensuing.

When the valiant king Pyrrus warred most asprely against the Romans, one Timochares, whose son was yeoman for the mouth with the king, promised to Fabricius, then being consul, to slay king Pyrrus, which thing being to the senate reported, they by their ambassade warned the king to be ware of such manner of treason, saying that the Romans maintained their wars with arms and not with poison. And yet notwithstanding they discovered not the name of Timochares, so that they embraced equity as well in that they slew not their enemy by treason, as also that they betrayed not him which purposed them kindness. In so much was justice of old time esteemed, that without it none act was allowed were it never so noble or profitable.

What time that Xerxes, king of Persia, with his army, was expulsed out of Greece, all the navy of Lacedemonia lay at rode in an haven called Gytheum, within the dominion of the Atheniensis. Themistocles, one of the princes of Athens, a much noble captain, said unto the people that he had advised himself of an excellent counsel, whereunto if fortune inclined, nothing might more augment the power of the Atheniensis, but that it aught not to be divulgate or published: he therefore desired to have one appointed unto him, unto whom he might secretly discover the enterprise. Where upon there was assigned unto him one Aristides, who for his virtue was surnamed rightwise. Themistocles declared to him that his purpose was to put fire in the navy of the Lacedemones, which lay at Gytheum, to the intent that it being burned, the dominion and whole power over the sea should be only in the Atheniensis. This device heard and perceived, Aristides coming before the people said that the counsel of Themistocles was very profitable, but the enterprise was dishonest and against justice. The people hearing that the act was not honest or just, all cried with one voice, nor yet expedient. And forthwith they commanded Themistocles to cease his enterprise. Whereby this noble people declared that in every act special regard and, above all thing, consideration aught to be had of justice and honesty.

Of the noble virtue fortitude, and of the two extreme vices, Audacity and Timorousness.

It is to be noted that to him that is a governor of a public weal belongeth a double governance, that is to say, an interior or inward governance, and an exterior or outward governance. The first is of his affects and passions, which do inhabit within his soul, and be subjects to reason. The second is of his children, his servants, and other subjects to his authority. To the one and the other is required the virtue moral called fortitude, which as much as it is a virtue is a Mediocrity or mean between two, extremities, the one in surplus, the other in lack. The surplus is called Audacity the lack Timorousness or fear. I name that Audacity which is an excessive and inordinate trust to escape all dangers, and causeth a man to do such acts as are not to be jeoparded. Timorousness is as well when a man feareth such things as be not to be feared, as also when he feareth things to be feared more than needeth. For some things there be which be necessary and good to be feared, and not to fear them it is but rebuke. Infamy and reproach be of all honest men to be dradde. And not to fear things that be terrible, against which no power or wit of man can resist, is fool hardiness, and worthy no praise, as earthquakes, rages of great and sudden floods, which do bear down before them mountains and great towns, also the horrible fury of sudden fire, devouring all thing that it apprehendeth. Yet a man that is valiant, called in Latin Fortis, shall not in such terrible adventures be resolved into wailings or desperation. But where force constraineth him to abide, and neither power or wisdom assayed may suffice to escape, but, will he or no, he must needs perish, there doth he patiently sustain death, which is the end of all evils, And like as an excellent Phisitioun cureth most dangerous diseases and deadly wounds, so doth a man that is valiant advance himself as invincible in things that do seem most terrible, not unadvisedly, and as it were in a beastly rage, but of a gentle courage, and with premeditation, either by victory or by death, winning honour and perpetual memory, the just reward of their virtue. Of this manner of valiance was Horatius Cocles, an ancient Roman, of whose example I have already written in the first book, where I commended the feat of swimming. Pirrhus, whom Hannibal esteemed to be the second of the most valiant captains, assaulting a strong fortress in Sicily, called Erice, he first of all others scaled the walls, where he behaved him so valiantly, that such as resisted, some he slew, and others by his majesty and fierce countenance he did put to discomfort. And finally, before any of his army, entered the walls, and there alone sustained the whole brunt of his enemies, until his people which were without, at the last missing him, stared partly with shame that they had so lost him, partly with his courageous example, took good heart, and enforced themselves in such wise that they climbed the walls and came to the succour of Pirrhus, and by his prowess so won the garrison. What valiant heart was in the Roman, Mutius Sceuola, that when Porcena, king of Etruscans, had by great power constrained the Romans to keep them within their city, Sceuola taking on him the habit of a beggar, with a sword hid privily under his garment, went to the enemy's camp, where he being taken for a beggar, was nothing mistrusted. And when he had espied the kings pavilion he drew him thither, where he found diverse noblemen sitting. But forasmuch as he certainly knew not which of them was the king, he at the last perceiving one to be in more rich apparel than any of the others, and supposing him to be Porcena, he, or any man espied him, stepped to the said lord, and with his sword gave him such a stroke that he immediately dyed. But Sceuola being taken, forasmuch as he might not escape such a multitude, he boldly confessed that his hand erred, and that his intent was to have slain king Porcena. Wherewith the king (as reason was) all chaufed, commanded a great fire forthwith to be made, wherein Sceuola should have been burned, but he nothing abashed, said to the kynae, Think not, Porcena, that by my death only thou mayest escape the hands of the Romans, for there be in the city three hundred young men, such as I am, that be prepared to slay the by one means or other, and to the accomplishment thereof be also determined to suffer all torments, whereof thou shalt have of me an experience in thy sight. And incontinently he went to the fire, which was made for to burn him, and with a glad countenance did put his hand into the flame, and there held it of a long time without changing of any countenance, until his said hand was burned unto ashes. In like wise he would have put his other hand into the fire, if he had not been withdrawn by Porcena, who, wondering at the valiant courage of Sceuola, licensed him to return unto the city. But when he considered that by the words of Sceuola so great a number of young men of similar prowess were confederate to his destruction, so that, or all they could be apprehended, his life should be always in jeopardy, he, despairing of winning the city of Rome, raised his siege and departed.

In what acts Fortitude is, and of the considerations thereto belonging.

But although I have now rehearsed sundry examples to the commendation of Fortitude concerning acts martial, yet by the way I would have it remembered that the praise is properly to be referred unto the virtue, that is to say, to enterprise things dreadful, either for the public weal or for winning of perpetual honour, or else for exchange reproach or dishonor. Whereunto be annexed these considerations, what importance the enterprise is, and wherefore it is done, with the time and opportunity when it aught to be don. For (as Tully saith) to enter in battle and to fight unadvisedly, it is a thing wild and a manner of beasts, but thou shalt fight valiantly when time requireth, and also necessity. And always death is to be preferred before servitude or any dishonesty. And therefore the acts of Hannibal against the Saguntines, which never did him displeasure, is not accounted for any prowess. Neither Catalyne, who, for his singular commodity and a few others, attempted detestable wars against his own country, intending to have burned the noble city of Rome, and to have destroyed all the good men, is not numbered among valiant men, although he fought manly and with great courage until he was slain. What availed the boldness of Varro and Flaminius, noble captains of Romans, who despising the prowess and craft of Hannibal, and contemning the sober counsel of Fabius, having only trust in their own hardiness, lost two noble armies, whereby the power of the Romans was nigh utterly perished? Wherefore eftsoons I say that a valiant man is he that doth tolerate or suffer that which is needful, and in such wise as is needful, and for that which is needful, and also when it is needful. And he that lacketh any of this may be called hardy, but not valiant. Moreover, although they who be hardy or persons desperate have a similitude, and seem to be valiant, yet be they not valiant, no more than kings in May games and interludes be kings. For they that be hardy, or they come to the peril, they seem to be fierce and aigre, and in beginning their enterprise wonderful hasty; but when they feel the thing more hard and grievous than they esteemed, their courage decayeth more and more, and as men abashed and unprepared, their hearts utterly do fail, and in conclusion they appear more faint than they that be cowards. Also in desperation cannot be fortitude, for that being a moral virtue, is ever voluntary. Desperation is a thing as it were constrained, ne hath any manner of consideration; where fortitude expendeth every thing and act diligently, and doth also moderate it with reason. Here now appeareth (as I suppose) that neither they who employ their force without just cause or necessity, ne they who without forecast, or (as I might say) circumspection, will take in hand an hard enterprise, ne they who headlong will fall into dangers, from whence there is no hope to escape, nor yet men desperate, who do dye willingly without any motion of honour or zeal toward the public weal be in the number of valiant persons; but of a refuse company, and rather to be reckoned with beasts savage, than among men who do participate with reason. For as Curtius saith, it appertaineth to men that be valiant, rather to despise death than to hate life.

A man is called in Latin Vir, whereof, saith Tully, virtue is named. And the most proper virtue longing to a man is fortitude, whereof be two excellent properties, that is to say, the contempt of death and of grief. But what very fortitude is he more plainly doth declare afterward in a more larger circumscription, saying things human aught to be little esteemed, death not regarded, labours and griefs to be thought tolerable. When this is ratified by judgement and a constant opinion, then that is a valiant and stable fortitude. But there unto I would should be added, which opinion and judgement proceedeth of a reason, and not repugnant to Justice. And then it shall accord with this saying of Aristotle, A valiant man sustaineth and doth that which belongeth to fortitude for cause of honesty. And a little before he saith, A man that is valiant as well suffereth as doth that which agreeth with his worship, and as reason commandeth. So no violence or sturdy mind lacking reason and honesty is any part of fortitude. Unto this noble virtue be attendant, or as it were continual adherents, diverse virtues, which do ensue, and be of right great estimation.

Of painfulness the first companion of Fortitude.

In them who be either governors or captains or in other office whereunto appertaineth great cure, or dispatching of sundry great affaires, Painfulness, named in Latin Tollerantia, is wonderful commendable. For thereby things be in such wise exploited that utility proceedeth thereof, and seldom repentance. Forasmuch as thereof cometh an excellent fruit called. opportunity, which is ever ripe, and never in other estate. For lack of this virtue much wisdom and many a valiant enterprise have perished and turned to none effect, for things sharply invented, prudently discussed, and valiantly enterprised, if they be not diligently followed, and without ceasing applied and pursued, as it were in a moment all thing is subverted. And the pains before taken, with the time therein spent, is utterly frustrate. The painfulness of Quintus Fabius, being dictator or principal captain of the Romans, in leading his army by mountains and other hard passages, so disappointed Hannibal of the hope of victory, wherein he so much gloried, that at the last he trained and drew Hannibal and his host into a field enclosed about with mountains and deep rivers, where Fabius had so environed him by the fortifying of two mountains with his people, that they were in jeopardy either to be famished (their victual soon after failing them) or else in fleeing to be slain by the Romans, had not the crafty and politic wit of Hannibal delivered them; which, for the notable invention, I will borrow so much time of the reader to renew the remembrance thereof in our English tongue. Hannibal, perceiving the danger that he and his army were in, he commanded in the deep of the night, when nothing was stirring, to be brought before him about two thousand great oxen and bulls, which a little before his men had taken in foraging, and causing faggots made of dry sticks to be fastened unto their horns, and set on fire, the beasts troubled with the flame of fire, ran as they were wood up toward the mountains, where as lay the host of the Romans, Hannibal, with his whole army following in array. The Romans who kept the mountains, being sore afraid of this new and terrible sight, forsake their places, and Fabius, dreading the deceitful wit of Hannibal kept the army within his trench, and so Hannibal with his host escaped without domage. But Fabius, being painful in pursuing Hannibal from place to place, a waiting to have him at advantage, at the last did so fatigue him and his host, that thereby in conclusion his power diminished, and also the strength of the Carthaginensis, of whom he was general captain. In so much as they were at the last constrained to countermand him by sundry messengers, willing him to abandon the wars in Italy, and to return to the defense of his own city. Which by the opinion of most excellent writers, should never have happened if Fabius would have left any part of his purpose, either for the tediousness of the pain and travail, or for the intolerable rebukes given unto him by Minutius, who upbraided him with cowardice. Among the virtues which abounded in Julius Caesar, none was accounted more excellent than that in his counsels, affairs, and exploits, he omitted no time ne forsake any pain; wherefore most soonest of any man he achieved and brought to good pass all thing that he enterprised. Suppose ye that the same Hannibal, of whom we late spoke, could have won from the Romans all Spain, and have pierced the mountains called Alps, making a way for his army where before was never any manner of passage, and also have gotten all Italy unto Rome gates, if he had not been a man painful and of labour incomparable?

Julius Caesar, after that he had the entire governance and dominion of the empire of Rome, he therefore never omitted labour and diligence, as well in common causes as private, concerning the defense and assistance of innocents. Also he laboriously and studiously discussed controversies, which almost daily he heard in his own person.

Trajan and both Antonines, emperors of Rome, and for their virtue worthy to be emperors of all the world, as well in exterior affairs as in the affairs of the city, were ever so continually occupied that not easily they found any little time to have any recreation or solace.

Alexander also, emperor, for his incomparable gravity called Severus, being but of the age of eighteen years when he first was made emperor, was inclined to so incredible labours, that where he found the noble city of Rome, then mistress of the world, thoroughly corrupted with most abominable vices, by the most shameful example and living of that detestable monster, Varius Heliogabalus, next emperor before him, a great part of the Senate and nobility being resolved into similar vices, the chivalry dispersed, martial prowess abandoned, and well nigh the majestic imperial dissolved and brought in contempt, this noble young prince Alexander, inflamed with the zeal of the pristine honour of the Romans, laying apart utterly all pleasures and quietness, wholly gave his wit and body to study and travails intolerable, and chasing out of all parts of the worlds men of greatest wisdom and experience, consulting with them, never ceased until he had reduced as well the Romans as all other cities and provinces unto them subject, to their pristine moderation and temperance. Many other examples could I rehearse to the commendation of painfulness. But these shall suffice at this present time to prove that a governor must needs be painful in his own person, if he desire to have those things prosper that be committed to his governance.

Of the noble and fair virtue named Patience.

Patience is a noble virtue, appertaining as well to inward governance as to exterior governance, and is the vanquisher of injuries, the sure defense against all affections and passions of the soul, retaining always glad semblance in adversity and dolour.

Saint Ambrose saith in his book of offices, Better is he that condemneth injury, than he that sorroweth. For he that condemneth it as he nothing felt, he passeth not on it: but he that is sorrowful, he is therewith tormented as though he felt it.

Which was well proved by Zeno Eleates, a noble Philosopher, who being a man of excellent wisdom and eloquence, came to a city called Agrigento, where reigned Phalaris, the most cruel tyrant of all the world, who kept and used his own people in most miserable servitude. Zeno first thought by his wisdom and eloquence to have so persuaded the tyrant to temperance that he should have abandoned his cruel and avaricious appetite. But custom of vice more prevailed in him than profitable counsel. Wherefore Zeno, having pity at the wretched estate of the people, excited diverse noblemen to deliver the city of that servile condition. This counsel was not so secretly given but that notice thereof came to the tyrant, who, causing all the people to be assembled in the market place, caused Zeno thereto be cruciate with sundry torments, always demanding of him who did participate with him of his said counsel. But for no pains would he confess any person, but induced the tyrant to have in mistrust his next friends and familiar servants, and reproving the people for their cowardice and dread, he at the last so inflamed them unto liberty, that suddenly, with a great violence, they fell on the tyrant and pressed him with stones. The old Zeno in all his exquisite torments never made any lamentable cry or desire to be relieved. But for this form of Patience, this only example sufficeth at this time, since there be so frequent examples of martyrs, who for true religion sustained patiently not only equal torments with Zeno, but also far exceeding. But now will I write of that Patience that pertaineth unto interior governance, whereby the natural passions of man be subdued, and the malice of fortune sustained. For they who be in authority and be occupied about great affairs, their lives be not only replenished with labours and grievous displeasure, but also they be subjects to sundry chances.

The mean to obtain patience is by two things principally. A direct and upright conscience, and true and constant opinion in the estimation of goodness. Which seldom cometh only of nature, except it be wonderful excellent; but by the diligent study of very philosophy (not that which is sophisticate, and consisteth in sophisms) nature is thereto prepared and helped. This Opinion is of such power that once cleaving fast to the mind, it draweth a man as it were by violence to good or evil. Therefore, Tully saith, Like as when the blood is corrupted, and either flame or choler, black or red, is superabundant, then in the body be engendered sores and diseases, so the vexation of evil opinions and their repugnancy despoileth the mind of all health, and troubleth it with griefs. Contrariwise afterward Tully describeth good Opinion, and calleth it the beauty of the soul, saying in this wise, As of bodily members there is an apt figure, with a manner pleasantness of colour, and that is called beauty; so in the soul the equality and constancy of opinions and judgements ensuing virtue, with a stable and steadfast purpose, or containing the self same effect that is in virtue, is named beauty. Which sentences deeply investigate and well perceived by them that be about princes and governors, they may consider how ware and circumspect they aught to be in the inducing them to opinions. (Whereof they be sufficiently admonished by the most excellent divine Erasmus Rotterdamus, in his book of the Institution of a Christian prince, which in my opinion cannot be so much praised as it is worthy. Therefore I will leave now to write any more of Opinion, saving that I would that it should be always remembered, that opinion in judging things as they verily be armeth a man unto patience.)

Of Patience in sustaining wrongs and rebukes.

Unto him that is valiant of courage, it is a great pain and difficulty to sustain Injury, and not to be forthwith revenged. And yet oftentimes is accounted more valiantness in the sufferance than in hasty revenging. As it was in Antoninus the emperor, called the philosopher, against whom rebelled one Cassius, and usurped the imperial majesty in Syria and the Este parts. Yet at the last, being slain by the captains of Antonine next adjoining, he thereof unwitting was therewith more grieved. And therefore taking to him the children of Cassius, entreated them honorably, whereby he acquired ever after the incomparable and most assured love of his subjects. As much dishonour and hatred his son Commodus won by his impatience, wherein he so exceeded, that forasmuch as he found not his bayne hette to his pleasure, he caused the keeper thereof to be thrown into the hot burning furnace. What thing might be more odious than that most devilish impatience? Julius Caesar, when Catullus the Poet wrote against him contumelious or reproachable verses, he not only forgave him, but to make him his friend, caused him oftentimes to soupe with him. The noble emperor Augustus, when it was showed him that many men in the city had of him unfitting words, he thought it a sufficient answer that in a free city men must have their tongues needs at liberty. Nor never was with any person that spoke evil of him in word or countenance worse discontented. Some men will not praise this manner of Patience, but account it for foolishness, but if they behold on the other side what incommodity cometh of impatience, how a man is therewith abstract from reason and turned into a monstrous figure, and do confer all that with the stable countenance and pleasant regard of him that is patient, and with the commodity that doth ensue thereof they shall affirm that that simplicity is an excellent wisdom.

Moreover the best way to be avenged is so to contemn injury and rebuke, and live with such honesty, that the doer shall at the last be thereof ashamed, or at the least, lose the fruit of his malice, that is to say, shall not rejoice and have glory of thy hindrance or domage.

Of Patience deserved in repulse, or hindrance of promotion.

To a man having a gentle courage, likewise as nothing is so pleasant or equally rejoiceth him as reward or preferment suddenly given or above his merit, so nothing may be to him more unpleasant or painful than to be neglected in his pain taking, and the reward and honour that he looketh to have, and for his merits is worthy to have, to be given to one of less virtue, and perchance of no virtue or laudable quality. Plato in his Epistle to Dion, king of Sicily, It is (saith he) good right that they who be good men, and do the similar, obtain honour which they be worthy to have.

Undoubtedly in a prince or nobleman may be nothing more excellent, ye nothing more necessary, than to advance men after the estimation of their goodness; and that for two special commodities that do come thereof. First, that thereby they provoke many men to apprehend virtue. Also to them who be good and already advanced do give such courage, that they endeavor themselves with all their power to increase that opinion of goodness, whereby they were brought to that advancement which needs must be to honour and benefit of those by whom they were promoted. Contrariwise, where men from their infancy have pursued virtue, worn the flourishing time of youth with painful study, abandoning all lusts and all other things which in that time is pleasant, trusting thereby to profit their public weal, to obtain thereby honour, when either their virtue and travail is little regarded, or the preferment which they look for, is given to another not equal in merit, it not only pierceth his heart with much anguish, and oppresseth him with discomfort, but also mortifieth the courages of many others who be aptly disposed to study and virtue, and hoped thereby to have the proper reward thereof, which is commendation and honour, which being given to men lacking virtue and wisdom, shall be occasion for them to do evil (as Democritus saith), for who doubteth but that authority in a good man doth publish his virtue which before lay hid? In an evil man it ministereth boldness and license to do evil, which by dread was before covered. Surely this Repulse or (as they vulgarly speak putting back from promotion, is no little pain or discomfort, but it may be withstand, or at the lest remedied, with patience, which may be in this wise induced.

First, considering that the world was never so constant that at all times before good men were justly rewarded, and none but they only promoted. Cato, called Uticensis, at whose wisdom all the world wondered, and whose gravity, as well the Senate and, people of Rome, as other kings and princes, reverence, looking to be one of the Consuls, was openly reject. Wherewith his friends and kinsmen took no little discomfort. But Cato himself so little regarded that repulse, that where always he went very homely, he the next day following, decked and trimmed himself more freshly than he was wont, and when he had shewed himself so to the people, at after none he walked with one of his friends in the market place, bare legged and in single apparel, as he was accustomed.

Scipio, called Nasica, who by the whole senate was judged the best man in the city, and of an ancient house, was like wise put back for being Consul. Lelius like wise, who was openly called the wise man, was similarly refused. And diverse others, of whom histories do make mention, were abject, when they had well deserved honours, and their inferiors in merits promoted. Also a man's conscience shall well comfort him when he hath so lived that, where he is known, men do judge him worthy preferment. And then may he say to them who marvel why he is not advanced, as Cato said to a person that told to him that men wondered why among so many noblemen's images as were set up in the city, Cato's image was not espied. By God, said Cato, I had lever that men wondered why I have none image set up, than why men should set up my image. So if men marvel why a man is not advanced, knowing him a good man, then judge they him to be worthy promotion, which judgement proceedeth of favour, and then though he lack promotion, yet hath he perfect glory, which every noble heart desireth.

For Tully saith, The perfect and most principal glory consisteth in those three things. If the multitude love us; if they put confidence in us; if also as it were marveling at us, they think us worthy to have honour given unto us. With this glory and cleanness of conscience, shall a wise man content him, and be induced to Patience, and not be grieved with his fortune, but to follow Democritus in laughing at the blind judgements of men in bestowing promotions. I omit at this time to write any more of this virtue Patience, since to the institution of a governor this seemeth to be sufficient, to the residue he shall be better persuaded by the works of Plutarch, Seneca, and Pontane, where they write of Patience, which works he may hear after read at his leisure.

Of Magnanimity, which may be named valiant courage.

Magnanimity is a virtue much commendable, and also expedient to be in a governor, and is, as I have said, a companion of fortitude. And may be in this wise defined, that it is an excellency of mind concerning things of great importance or estimation, doing all thing that is virtuous for the achieving of honour. But now I remember me, this word Magnanimity being yet strange, aslate borrowed out of the Latin, shall not content all men, and especially them whom nothing contenteth out of their accustomed Mumpsimus, I will adventure to put for Magnanimity a word more familiar, call it good courage, which, having respect to the said definition, shall not seem much inconvenient.

But now concerning a more large description of the said virtue. Aristotle saith, That man seemeth to be of noble courage that is worthy, and also judgeth himself worthy to have things that be great. He saith also afterward, Noble courage is an ornament of virtues, for it maketh them the more ample, and without them she herself may not be. But I wilt for a little time leave this noble Philosopher Aristotle, and reverently interpret a place in the offices of Tully, where he most eloquently and plainly setteth out this virtue, saying, Always a valiant and noble courage is discerned by two things especially, whereof one is in despising things outward, when a man is persuaded neither to marvel at any thing, neither to wish or desire anything but that which is honest. Moreover, that a man should not bow for any fortune or trouble of mind. Another thing is that when thou art of that mind or courage, as I before said, then that thou practice those things not only which be great and most profitable, but also them that be very difficult, and full of labour and peril, as well concerning man's life as many other things thereunto pertaining. And afterward the same Tully saith, To esteem little those things which unto the more part of men seemeth excellent, and also with reason firm and stable to contemn them, it is sign of a noble and valiant courage. Also to tolerate those things which do seem bitter or grievous (whereof there be many in the life of man and in fortune) in such wise as thou depart not from the estate of nature, neither from the worship pertaining unto a wise man, betokeneth a good courage, and also much constancy. By this it seemeth that Magnanimity or good courage is, as it were, the garment of Virtue, wherewith she is set out (as I might say) to the uttermost. I mean not that thereby virtue is amended or made more beauteous, which of herself is perfect, but like wise as a lady of excellent beauty, though that she be always fair, yet a rich and fresh garment declareth her estate, and causeth her the more to be looked on, and thereby her natural beauty to be the better perceived. Similarly doth Magnanimity, joined with any virtue set it wonderfully forth to be beholden, and (as I might say) marveled at, as it shall appear abundantly in the examples ensuing.

Agesilaus, king of Lacedemonia, in the beginning of his youth, perceiving that all Greece was in great fear for the fame that was spread of the coming of the Persians with an infinite army, he with a noble courage proffered not only to defend his own country, but also with a small host to pass the sees into Asia, and from thence either to bring victory of the Persians, or else a sure and honorable peace. With whose courage the Lacedemonians, highly recomforted, delivered unto him ten thousand soldiers. With the which host he went into Asia, and there vanquished the Persians, and returned joyfully into his country with his people all safe, to his perpetual renown, and also the honour and surety of all Greece.

Antigonus, king of Macedonia, being on the sea, one of his captains advised him to depart, saying that the navy of his enemy was much greater in number than his, whereunto with a noble courage he answered, And for how many ships account you our person? Wherewith his people took such comfort that they boldly did set forth and vanquished their enemies. Such noble courage was in great king Alexander, that in his wars against Darius, he was seen of all his people fighting in the press of his enemies bare headed.

I will not be so uncourteous to leave unremembered in this place the notable Magnanimity of a king of England, which I happened to read late in an old chronicle.

Edgar, who in the time that the Saxons had this realm in subjection, had subdued all the other kings Saxons, and made them his tributaries. On a time he had them all with him at diner, and after it was shewed him that Rynande, king of Scots, had said that he wondered how it should happen that he and other kings, that were tall and great personages, would suffer themselves to be subdued by so little a body as Edgar was. Edgar dissembled and answered nothing, but feigning to go on hunting, he took with him the Scottish king in his company, and purposely withdrew him from them that were with him and causing by a secrete servant two swords to be conveyed into a place in the forest by him appointed, as soon as he came thither he took the one sword, and delivered the other to Rinande, bidding him to prove his strength, and to assay whither his deeds would ratify his words. Whereat the Scottish king being abashed, beholding the noble courage of Edgar, with an horrible fear confessed his error, desiring pardon, which he with most humble submission at the last obtained. That noble king Edgar declaring by his Magnanimity that by his virtue, and not by chance, he was elected to reign over so noble a region.

Plato, for his divine wisdom and eloquence named the God of Philosophers, was sent for by Dionysius, king of Sicily, to the intent, as it seemed, that he would be of him instructed concerning the politick governance of his realm. But when he had been with him a certain space, and would not flatter with the king and uphold his tyranny, the king became weary of him, in so much that if it had not been at the request of Architas, prince of Tarent, he would have put him to death. Wherefore, partly at the desire of that prince, partly for fear of the Athenians, he licensed Plato to depart without damage, but at his departing he said unto him, as it were in despite, O how evil wilt thou speak of me, Plato, when thou comest among thy companions: and scholars. Then Plato with a noble courage, answered, God defend there should be in my school so much vacant time from the study of wisdom, that there might be any place left once to remember the.

Now will I make an end of this virtue, and proceed further to write of some vices which commonly do follow Magnanimity, and with great difficulty may be achieved.

Of Constancy or Stability.

In building of a fortress or other honorable mansion, it aught to be well considered that the cement, wherewith the stones be laid, be firm, and well binding. For if it be brokle, and will molder away with every shower of rain, the building may not continue, but the stones being not surely couched and mortared, falleth away one after another, and finally the whole house is defaced, and falleth in ruin. Similarly, that man who in childhood is brought up in sundry virtues, if either by nature, or else by custom, he be not induced to be always constant and stable, so that he move not for any affection, grief, or displeasure, all his virtues will shortly decay, and, in the estimation of men, be but as a shadow, and be soon forgotten.

(Also if a painter had wrought in a table some peace of portraiture wonderful elegant and pleasant to behold, as well for the good proportion and figure, as for the fresh and delectable colours, but forasmuch as in tempering his colours, he lacked good size, wherewith they should have been bounden, and made to endure after that the image hath been a little while pleasant to the beholders, the colours being not surely wrought, either by moistness of weather relenteth or fadeth, or by some stroke or fall scaleth off, or mouldereth away, by reason whereof the image is utterly deformed, and the industry of the work man being never so excellent is perished, and accounted but for a vanity.)

So he that hath all the gifts of nature and fortune, and also in his childhood is adorned with doctrine and virtue, which he hath acquired with much travail, watch, and study, if he add not to constancy when he cometh to the time of experience, which experience is as it were the work of the crates man, but moved with any private affection, or fear of adversity or exterior damage, will omit any part of his learning or virtue, the estimation of his person immediately ceaseth among perfect workmen, that is to say, wise men, and finally nothing being in him certain or stable, what thing in him may be commended? And in one thing me seemeth that Constancy hath equal praise with justice, that is to say, that he that is himself unjust, loveth that person that dealeth justly with him, and contrariwise hateth that person that dealeth unjustly, or doth him wrong. In like wise, he who is inconstant, extolleth him whom he findeth constant, and desireth to have him his friend; on the other part, whom he proveth in constant and wavering, he is angry with him, and accounteth him a beast, and unworthy the company of men, and awaiteth diligently to trust him with nothing. We note in children inconstancy, and likewise in women. the one for slenderness of wit, the other as a natural sickness. Therefore men use, in rebuking a man of inconstancy, to call him a childish or womanly person. Albeit some women nowadays be found more constant than men, and especially in love toward their husbands; or else might there happen to be some wrong inheritors.

Constancy is as proper unto a man as is reason, and is of such estimation, that according as it was spoken of a wise man, it were better to have a constant enemy than an inconstant friend. Whereof I myself have had sufficient experience. But now to declare some experience of constancy, whereby the readers may be the more thereto provoked, I will rehearse some examples thereof out of old histories, as I shall happen to remember them.

After that Sylla had vanquished Marius, and destroyed the part of his adversaries, he with a great number of persons all armed, environed the senate, intending to compel them by violence to condemn Marius for a traitor; which request none darkest again say, Sceuola only except, who being thereof demanded, would give no sentence. But when Sylla did cast therefore on him a cruel countenance, he with a constant visage and noble courage, said to him, Sylla, although thou facest and threatenest me with thy multitude of soldiers, with whom thou hast thus besieged this court, ye and although thou dost menace me with death never so much, yet shalt thou never bring it to pass that for shedding a little old blood, I shall judge Marius a traitor, by whom this city and all Italy have been preserved.

The constancy that great king Alexander had in trusting his friend against false report, saved his life, whereof all men despaired. For after that noble battle wherein he had vanquished Darius, and taken his treasure, as he passed through Cilicia, being sore chafed with fervent heat and the length of his journey, as he came by the river called Cydnus, beholding it clear and pleasant, and thinking to aswage therein the heats that he suffered, he went there into naked and drank thereof. But immediately, by the exceeding cold which was in that water, his sinews shrank, and his joints became unwieldy, and as they were deed, and all his host being discomforted, he was conveyed to a city thereby, called Tarsum. Where upon the physicians assembled and devising for the best remedy, they all were determined to give him one medicine, and that it should be ministered by one Philip, chief physician with Alexander. In the mean time, Parmenio, one of the greatest captains about Alexander, advertised him by his letters that he should beware of the treason of the said Philip, saying that he was corrupted with a great some of money by Darius. Wherewith he being nothing esbaied held in his hands the letter, and receiving the medicine that Philip gave him, he at one time delivered the letter open to Philip, and drank also the medicine, declaring thereby the constancy that was in his friendship. Which trust not only caused nature the better to work with the medicine, but also bound so the heart of the Physician toward him, that he ever after studied more diligently for the help and preservation of the noble prince that did so much trust him.

The constancy of Cato Uticensis was always immovable, in so much as at sundry times, when he in the Senate eagerly defended the public weal with vehement and long orations, against the attempts of ambitious persons, he was by them rebuked and committed to prison. But he therefore not ceasing, but going toward prison, detected to the people, as he went, the unlawful purposes and enterprises of them by whom he was punished with the peril that was imminent to the public weal. Which he did with such courage and eloquence that as well the Senate as the people drew so about him, that his adversaries were fain for fear to discharge him. Who can sufficiently commend this nobleman Cato, when he readeth in the works of Plutarch of his excellent courage and virtue? How much worthier had he been to have had Homer, the trump of his fame immortal, than Achilles, who for a light wench contended with Agamemnon only, where Cato, for the conservation of the weal public contended, and also resisted against Julius Caesar and the great Pompey, and not only against their menaces, but also against their desires and offers of alliance? Where of I would gladly have made a remembrance in this work if the volume there by should not too much have increased, and become unhandsome.

Undoubtedly, constancy is an honourable virtue, as inconstancy is reproachful and odious. Wherefore, that man who is mutable for every occasion, must needs often repent him, and in much repentance is not only much folly, but also great detriment, which every wise man will eschew if he can. Wherefore to governors nothing is more proper than to be in their living stable and constant.

The true signification of Temperance a moral virtue.

This blessed company of virtues in this wise assembled, followeth Temperance, as a sad and discrete matron and reverent governess, awaiting diligently that in any wise voluptuousness or concupiscence have no preeminence in the soul of man. Aristotle defineth this virtue to be a mediocrity in the pleasures of the body, especially in taste and touching. Therefore he that is temperate fleeth pleasures voluptuous, and with the absence of them is not discontented, and from the presence of them he willingly abstaineth.

But in my opinion Plotinus, the wonderful philosopher, maketh an excellent definition of temperance, saying, that the property or office thereof is to covet nothing which may be repented, also not to exceed the bounds of mediocrity, and to keep desire under the yoke of reason. He that practiseth this virtue is called a temperate man, and he that doth contrary thereto is named intemperate. Between whom and a person incontinent Aristotle maketh this diversity; that he is intemperate, which by his own election is led, supposing that the pleasure that is present, or (as I might say) in use, should always be followed. But the person incontinent supposeth not so, and yet he notwithstanding doth follow it. The same author also maketh a diversity between him that is temperate and him that is continent; saying, that the continent man is such one that no thing will do for bodily pleasure which shall stand against reason. The same is he who is temperate, saving that the other hath corrupt desires, which this man lacketh. Also the temperate man delighteth in nothing contrary to reason. But he that is continent delighteth, yet will he not be led against reason. Finally, to declare it in few words, we may well call him a temperate man that desireth the thing which he aught to desire, and as he aught to desire, and when he aught to desire. Notwithstanding there be diverse other virtues which do seem to be as it were companions with temperance. Of whom (for the exchange of tediousness) I will speak now only of two, moderation and soberness, which no man (I suppose) doubteth to be of such efficacy, that without them no man may attain unto wisdom, and by them wisdom is soonest espied.

Of Moderation a spice of temperance.

Moderation is the limits and bounds which honesty hath appointed in speaking and doing; like as in running passing the goal is accounted but rashness, so running half way is reproved for slowness. In like wise words and acts be the paces, wherein the wit of man maketh his course, and moderation is instead of the goal, which if he pass over, he is noted either of presumption or of fool hardiness; if he come short of the purpose, he is contemned as dull, and unapt to affairs of great importance. This virtue shall best be perceived by rehearsing of examples shewed by noblemen, which is in effect but daily experience.

Fabius Maximus, being five times Consul, perceiving his father, his grandfather, and great grandfather, and diverse others of his ancestors to have had oftentimes that most honorable dignity, when his soon, by the universal consent of the people, should be also made consul, he earnestly entreated the people to spare his son, and to give to the house of Fabius as it were a vacation time from that honour, not for that he had any mistrust in his son's virtue and honesty, but that his moderation was such that he would not that excellent dignity should always continue in one family. Scipio Africanus the elder, when the senate and people had purposed that according to his merits he should have certain statues or images set in all courts and places of assembly, also they would have set his image in triumphant apparel within the capitol, and have granted to him to have been consul and Dictator during his life; he, notwithstanding, would not suffer that any of them should be decreed, either by the act of the senate, or by the peoples suffrage. Whereinhe shewed himself to be as valiant in refusing of honours, as he was in the acts whereinhe had them well deserved. There is also moderation in toleration of fortune of every sort, which of Tully is called equability, which is, when there seemeth to be always one visage and countenance never changed nor for prosperity nor for adversity.

Metellus, called Numidicus, in a common sedition being banished from Rome, and abiding in Asia, as he happened to sit with noblemen of that country in beholding a great play, there were letters delivered him, whereby he was ascertained that by the whole consent of the senate and people his return into his country was granted; he (notwithstanding that he was of that tidings exceeding joyful) removed not until the plays were ended, nor any man sitting by him might perceive in his countenance any token of gladness.

The great king Antiochus, who long time had in his dominion all Asia, which is accounted to be the third part of the world, when at the last being vanquished by Lucius Scipio, he had lost the more part of his empire, and was assigned but to a small portion, he used his fortune so moderately that he gave great thanks to the Romans, that being delivered of so great burden and charge, he more easily might govern a little dominion. Alexander, emperor of Rome, so in this virtue excelled, that being elect and made emperor at sixteen years of his age, when the senate and people for his virtue, wherein he passed all others, would have him called the great Alexander and father of the country, which of all names was highest, he with a wonderful gravity refused it, saying, that it behooved that those names were obtained by merits and ripeness of years. The same prince also would not suffer his empress to use in her apparel any richer stones than other ladies; and if any were given her, he either caused them to be sold or else gave them unto Temples, affirming that the example of pomp and inordinate expenses should not proceed of the Emperor's wife. And when, for the honour that he did to the Senate and laws, his wife and his mother rebuked him, saying that he should bring the imperial majesty into too low an estate, he answered that it should be the surer and continue the longer.

There is also a Moderation to be used against wrath or appetite of vengeance. Hadrian, the emperor, while he was but a private person, bare toward a captain grievous displeasure, who afterward hearing that he was made emperor, was in great fear lest Hadrian would be avenged. But when he came to the emperor's presence, he nothing did or said to him, but only these words, Thou haste well escaped. By the which words he well declared his moderation, and also that who so ever putteth on the habit of a common person or governor, it shall not beseem him to revenge private displeasures.

Architas, when he had been a long space out of his country and at his return found his possessions and goods destroyed and wasted, he said to his bailiff, I would surely punish thee if I should not be angry.

Much like did Plato, for when his servant had offended him grievously, he desired Speusippus, his friend, to punish him, lest (said he) if I beat him, I should happen to be angry. Wherein Plato deserved more praise than Architas, inasmuch as he observed his patience, and yet did not suffer the offence of his servant to be unpunished. For most oftentimes the omitting of correction redoubleth a trespass.

Similar moderation and wisdom, Aulus Gellius remembreth to be in Plutarch, the philosopher, who was master to Trajan the emperor.

It happened that the bondman of Plutarch had committed some grievous offence, wherefore his master willed that he should be sharply punished. Wherefore commanding him to be striped naked, caused another of his servants in his presence to beat him. But the slave who, as it seemed, was learned, while he was in beating, cried out on Plutarch, and in manner of reproach said unto him, How agreeth this with thy doctrine that preachest so much of patience, and in all thy lessons reprovest wrath, and now contrary to thine own teaching, thou art all inflamed with wrath, and clean from the patience which thou so much praisest? Unto whom Plutarch, without any change of countenance answered in this form, 'Thou upbraidest me causeless with wrath and impatience, but I pray the what perceivest thou in me that I am angry or out of patience? I suppose (except I be much deceived) thou seest me not stare with my eyes, or my mouth imbosed, or the colour of my face changed, or any other deformity in my person or gesture, or that my words be swift, or my voice louder than modesty requireth, or that I am unstable in my gesture or motion, which be the signs and evident tokens of wrath and impatience. Wherefore said he to the corrector, since he cannot prove that I am yet angry, in the mean time while he and I do dispute of this matter, and until he utterly do cease of his presumption and obstinacy, look that thou still beat him. Verily, in my opinion Plutarch herein declared his excellent wisdom and gravity, as well in his example of patience as also in subduing the stubborn courage of an obstinate servant. Which history shall be expedient for governors to have in remembrance, that when according to the laws they do punish offenders, they themselves be not chafed or moved with wrath, but (as Tully saith) be like to the laws, which be provoked to punish not by wrath or displeasure, but only by equity. And immediately the same author giveth an otlier noble precept concerning moderation in punishment, saying, that in correcting, wrath is principally to be forbidden, for he that punisheth. While he is angry, shall never keep that mean which is between too much and too little.

The three noble counsels of reason, society, and knowledge.

Verily the knowledge of justice is not so difficult or hard to be attained unto by man as it is commonly supposed, if he would not willingly abandon the excellency of his proper nature, and foolishly apply himself to the nature of creatures unreasonable, in the stead of reason embracing sensuality, and for society and benevolence following willfulness and malice, and for knowledge, blind ignorance and forgetfulness. Undoubtedly reason, society called company, and knowledge remaining, justice is at hand, and as she were called for, joineth herself to that company, which by her fellowship is made inseparable; whereby happeneth (as I might say) a virtuous and most blessed conspiracy. And in three very short precepts or advertisements man is persuaded to receive and honour justice. Reason bidding him do the same thing to another that thou wouldst have done to the. Society (without which man's life is unpleasant and full of anguish) saith, Love thou thy neighbour as thou dost thyself. And that sentence or precept came from heaven, when society was first ordained of God, and is of such authority that the only son of God being demanded of a doctor of law which is the great commandment in the law of God, answered, Thou shalt love thy lord God with all thy heart, and in all thy soul, and in all thy mind, that is the first and great commandment. The second is like to the same Thou shalt love thy neighbour as thyself. In these two commandments do depend all the law and prophets. Behold how our savior Christ joineth benevolence with the love of God, and not only maketh it the second precept, but also resembleth it unto the first?

Knowledge also as a perfect instructrice and mistress, in a more brief sentence than yet hath been spoken, declareth by what mean the said precepts of reason and society may be well understand, and thereby justice finally executed, The words be these in Latin, Nosce te ipsum, which is in English, know thyself. This sentence is of old writers supposed for to be firsts spoken by Chilo or some other of the seven ancient Greeks called in Latin Sapientes, in English sages or wise men. Others do accommodate it to Apollo, whom the pagans honoured for God of wisdom. But to say the truth, were it Apollo that spoke it, or Chilo, or any other, surely it proceeded of God, as an excellent and wonderful sentence. By this counsel man is induced to understand the other two precepts, and also whereby is accomplished not only the second part, but also all the residue of Justice, which I before have rehearsed. For a man knowing himself shall know that which is his own and pertaineth to himself. But what is more his own than his soul? Or what thing more appertaineth to him than his body? His soul is undoubtedly and freely his own. And none other person may by any mean possessed it or claim it. His body so pertaineth unto him, that none other without his consent may vindicate therein any property. Of what valour or price his soul is, the similitude whereunto it was made, the immortality and life everlasting, and the powers and qualities thereof, abundantly do declare. And of that same matter and substance that his soul is of, be all other souls that now are, and have been, and ever shall be, without singularity or preeminence of nature. In similar estate is his body, and of no better clay (as I might frankly say) is a gentleman made than a carter, and of liberty of will as much is given of God to the poor herdsman, as to the great and mighty emperor. Then in knowing the condition of his soul and body, he knoweth himself, and consequently in the same thing he knoweth every other man.

If thou be a governor, or haste over others sovereignty, know thyself, that is to say, know that thou art verily a man compact of soul and body, and in that all other men be equal unto thee. Also that every man taketh with the equal benefit of the spirit of life, nor thou haste any more of the dew of heaven, or the brightness of the son, than any other person.

Thy dignity or authority, wherein thou only differest from others, is (as it were) but a weighty or heavy cloak, freshly glittering in the eyes of them that be purblind, whereunto the it is painful, if thou wear him in his right fashion, and as it shall best become the. And from the it may be shortly taken of him that did put it on the, if thou use it negligently, or that thou wear it not comely, and as it appertaineth. Therefore whiles thou wearest it, know thyself, know that the name of a sovereign or ruler without actual governance is but a shadow, that governance standeth not by words only, but principally by act and example; that by example of governors men do rise or fall in virtue or vice. And, as it is said of Aristotle, rulers more grievously do sin by example than by their act. And the more they have under their governance, the greater account have they to render, that in their own precepts and ordinances they be not found negligent. Wherefore there is a noble advertisement of the emperor Alexander, for his gravity called Severus. On a time one of his noblemen exhorted him to do a thing contrary to a law or edict, which he himself had enacted; but he firmly denied it. The other still persisting said, that the emperor was not bounden to observe his own laws. Whereunto the said emperor displeasantly answering, said in this manner, God forbid that ever I should devise any laws whereby my people should be compelled to do any thing which I myself cannot tolerate. Wherefore ye that have any governance, by this most noble prince's example know the bounds of your authority, know also your office and duty, being yourselves men mortal among men, and instructors and leaders of men. And that as obedience is due unto you, so is your study, your labour, your industry with virtuous example due to them that be subject to your authority. Ye shall know always yourself, if for affection or motion ye do speak or do nothing unworthy the immortality and most precious nature of your soul, and remembering that your body be subject to corruption, as all others be, and life time uncertain. If ye forget not this common estate, and do also remember that in nothing but only in virtue ye are better than another inferior person, according to the saying of Agesilaus king of Lacedemones, who hearing the great king of Persia praised, asked how much that great king was more than he in justice. And Socrates being demanded if the king of Persia seemed to him happy, I cannot tell (said he) of what estimation he is in virtue and learning. Consider also that authority, being well and diligently used, is but a token of superiority, but in very deed it is a burden and loss of liberty. And what governor in this wise knoweth himself he shall also by the same rule know all other men, and shall needs love them for whom he taketh labours and forsaketh liberty.

In similar manner the inferior person or subject aught to consider, that albeit (as I have spoken) he in the substance of soul and body be equal with his superior, yet forasmuch as the powers and qualities, of the soul and body, with the disposition of reason, be not in every man equal, therefore God ordained a diversity or preeminence in degrees to be among men for the necessary direction and preservation of them in conformity of living. Whereof nature ministereth to us examples abundantly, as in bees, (whereof I have before spoken in the first book) cranes, red deer, wolves, and diverse other fowls and beasts, which herdeth or flocketh, (too long here to be rehearsed), among whom is a governor or leader, toward whom all the others have a vigilant eye, awaiting his signs or tokens, and according thereto preparing themselves most diligently. If we think that this natural instinct of creatures unreasonable is necessary and also commendable, how far out of reason shall we judge them to be that would exterminate all superiority, extinct all governance and laws, and under the colours of holy scripture, which they do violently wrest to their purpose, do endeavor themselves to bring the life of man into a confusion inevitable, and to be in much worse estate than the afore named beasts? Since without governance and laws the persons most strong in body should by violence constrain them that be of less strength and weaker to labour as bondmen or slaves for their sustenance and other necessaries, the strong men being without labour or care. Then were all our equality dashed, and finally as beasts savage the one shall desire to slay another. I omit continual manslaughters, ravishments, adulteries and enormities horrible to rehearse, which (governance lacking) must needs of necessity ensue, except these evangelical persons could persuade God or compel him to change men into angels, making them all of one disposition and confirming them all in one form of charity. And as concerning all men in a generality, this sentence, know thyself, which of all others is most compendious, being made but of three words, every word being but one syllable, induceth men sufficiently to the knowledge of justice.

Of Consultation and counsel, and in what form they aught to be used in a public weal.

The griefs or diseases which of Aristotle be called the decays of the public weal being investigate, examined, and tried by the experience before expressed, then cometh the time and opportunity of consultation, whereby, as I said, is provided the remedies most necessary for the healing of the said griefs or reparation of decay. This thing that is called Consultation is the general denomination of the act wherein men do devise together and reason what is to be done. Counsel is the sentence or advise particularly given by every man for that purpose assembled. Consultation hath respect to the time future or to come, that is to say, the end or purpose thereof is addressed to some act or affaire to be practiced after the Consultation. And yet be not all other times excluded, but first the state of things present aught to be examined, the power, assistance, and substance to be esteemed; similarly things passed with much and long deliberation to be revolved and tossed in the mind, and to be conferred with them that be present and being exactly weighed the one against the other, then to investigate or inquire exquisitely the form and reason of the affair, and in that study to be holly resolved so effectually, that they which be counselors may bear with them out of the counsel house, as I were on their shoulders, not only what is to be followed and exploited, but also by what means or ways it shall be pursued, and how the affaire may be honourable; also what is expedient and of necessity, and how much is needful, and what space and length of time, and finally how the enterprise being achieved and brought to effect may be kept and retained. For oftentimes after exploits happeneth occasions, either by assaults or other encumbrances of enemies, or of too much trust in fortunes assurance, or by disobedience or presumption of some persons whom the thing toucheth, that this last part of Consultation is omitted, or more rather neglected; where much study, travail, and cost have utterly perished, not only to the no little detriment of infinite persons, but also to the subversion of most noble public weals. Moreover it is to be diligently noted that every counsel is to be approved by three things principally, that it be rightwise, that it be good, and that it be with honesty. That which is rightwise is brought in by reason. For nothing is right that is not ordered by reason. Goodness cometh of virtue. Of virtue and reason proceedeth honesty. Wherefore counsel being compact of these three, may be named a perfect Captain, a trusty companion, a plain and unfeigned friend. Therefore in the commendation thereof Titus Livius saith, Many things be impeached by Nature which by counsel be shortly achieved. And verily the power of Counsel is wonderful, having authority as well over peace as martial enterprise. And therefore with good reason Tully affirmeth in his book of offices, Arms without the doors be of little importance, if counsel be not at home. And he saith soon after: In things most prosperous the counsel of friends must be used. Which is ratified by the author of the noble work named Ecclesiasticus, saying: My soon, without counsel see thou do nothing, and then after thy deed thou shalt never repent thee. The same author giveth three noble precepts concerning this matter, which of every wise man aught to be had in continual memory. Of fools take thou no counsel, for they can love nothing but that pleaseth themselves. Discover not thy counsel before a stranger, for thou knowest not what thereof may happen. Unto every man disclose not thy heart, lest peradventure he will give to the a feigned thank, and after report rebukefully of thee. Fools be, as I suppose, they who be more led with affection than reason. And whom he calleth strangers be those of whose fidelity and wisdom he is not assured; and in the general name of every man may be signified the lack of election of counselors, which would be with a vigilant search and (as I might say) of all others most scrupulous.

What in Consultation is to be chiefly considered.

The end of all doctrine and study is good counsel, whereunto as unto the principal point, which Geometricians do call the Centre, all doctrines (which by some authors be imagined in the form of a circle) do send their effects like unto equal lines, as it shall appear to them that will read the books of the noble Plato, where he shall find that the wise Socrates, in every investigation, which is in form of a consultation, useth his persuasions and demonstrations by the certain rules and examples of sundry sciences, proving thereby that the conclusion (as I might say) the perfection of them is in good counsel, wherein virtue may be found being (as it were) his proper mansion or palace, where her power only appeareth concerning governance, either of one person only, and then it is called moral, or of a multitude, which for a diversity may be called politic. Since counsel be an efficacy, and in things concerning man hath such a preeminence, it is therefore expedient that consultation, (wherein counsel is expressed) be very serious, substantial and profitable. Which to bring to effect requireth two things principally to be considered. First, that in every thing concerning a public weal no good counselor passed over, but that his reason therein be hard to an end. I call him a good counselor, who, (as Caesar saith, in the conjuration of Cataline), whiles he consulteth in doubtful matters, is void of all hate, friendship. displeasure, or pity. How necessary to a public weal it shall be to have in any wise men's opinions declared, it is manifest to them that do remember that in many heads be diverse manners of wits, some inclined to sharpness and rigour, many to pity and compassion, diverse to a temperance and mean between both extremities; some have respect to tranquillity only, others more to wealth and commodity, diverse too much renown and estimation in honour. There be that will speak all their mind suddenly and perchance right well; diverse require to have respect and study, wherein is much more surety, many will speak warily for fear of displeasure; some more bolder in virtue will not spare to shewe their minds plainly, diverse will assent to that reasons wherewith they suppose that he who is chief in authority will be best pleased. These undoubtedly be the diversities of wits. And moreover, where there is a great number of counselors, they all being heard, needs must the counsel be the more perfect. For sometime perchance one of them, who in doctrine, wit, or experience is in least estimation, may happen to express some sentence more available to the purpose wherein they consult, than any that before came to the others remembrances; no one man being of such perfection that he can have in an instant remembrance of all thing. Which I suppose was considered by Romulus the first king of Romans in the first constitution of their public weal; for having of his own people but three thousand footmen and three hundred horsemen, he chase of the eldest and wisest of them all one hundred counselors. But to the more assertion of diverse men's sentences I will declare a notable experience which I late happened to read.

Belinger Baldasine, a man of great wit, singular learning, and excellent wisdom (who was one of the counselors to Ferdinando, king of Aragon), when anything doubtful or weighty matter was consulted of, where he was present, afterward, when he had supped at home in his house, he would call before him all his servants, and merrily purposing to them some feigned question or fable, wherein was craftily hid the matter which remained doubtful, would merely demand of every man his particular opinion, and giving good ear to their judgements, he would confer together every mans sentence, and with good deliberation pondering their value, he at the last perceived which was the truest and most apt to his purpose; and being in this wise furnished, translating japes and things fauned to matter serious and true, he among the kings counselors in giving good and substantial advise had always preeminence.

How much commodity then suppose ye might be taken of the sentences of many wise and expert counselors? And like as Calchas, as Homer writeth, knew by divination things present, things to come, and them that were passed, so counselors garnished with learning and also experience shall thereby consider the places, times, and personages, examining the state of the matter then practiced, and expending the power, assistance, and substance, also revolving long and oftentimes in their minds things that be passed, and conferring them to the matters that be then in experience, studiously do seek out the reason and manner, how that which is by them approved may be brought to effect. And such men's reasons would be thoroughly heard and at length, for the wiser that a man is, in tarrying his wisdom increaseth, his reason is more lively, and quick sentence aboundeth. And to the more part of men when they be chafed in reasoning, arguments, solutions, examples, similitudes, and experiments do resort, and (as it were) flow unto their remembrances.

The second consideration to be had in Consultation.

The second consideration is, that the general and universal estate of the public weal would be preferred in consultation before any particular commodity, and the profit or damage which may happen within our own countries would be more considered than that which may happen from other regions; which to believe common reason and experience leapeth us.

For who commendeth those gardeners that will put all their diligence in trimming or keeping delicately one knot or bed of herbs, suffering all the remnant of their garden to be subverted with a great number of moles, and do attend at no time for the taking and destroying of them, until the herbs, wherein they have employed all their labours, be also turned up and perished, and the moles increased in so infinite numbers that no industry or labour may suffice to consume them, whereby the labour is frustrate and all the garden made unprofitable and also unpleasant? In this similitude to the garden may be resembled the public weal, to the gardeners the governors and counselors, to the knots or beds sundry degrees of personages, to the moles vices and sundry enormities. Wherefore the consultation is but of a small effect wherein the universal estate of the public weal do not occupy the more part of the time, and in that generality every particular estate be not diligently ordered. For as Tully saith they that consult for part of the people and neglect the residue, they bring into the city or country a thing most pernicious, that is to say, sedition and discord, whereof it happeneth that some will seem to favour the multitude, others be inclined to lean to the best sort, few do study for all universally. Which hath been the cause that not only Athens, (which Tully doth name), but also the city and empire of Rome, with diverse other cities and realms, have decayed and been finally brought in extreme desolation. Also Plato, in his book of fortitude, saith in the person of Socrates, When so ever a man seeketh a thing for cause of another thing, the consultation aught toe be always of that thing for whose cause the other thing is sought for, and not of that which is sought for because of the other thing. And surely wise men do consider that damage oftentimes happeneth by abusing the due form of consultation: men like evil physicians seeking for medicines or they perfectly know the sicknesses ; and as evil merchants do utter first the wares and commodities of strangers, whiles strangers be robbing of their own coffers.

Therefore these things that I have rehearsed concerning consultation ought to be of all men in authority substantially pondered, and most vigilantly observed if they intend to be to their public weal profitable for the which purpose only they be called to be governors. And this conclude I to write any more of consultation, which is the last part of moral Sapience, and the beginning of sapience politic.

Now all ye readers that desire to have your children to be governors, or in any other authority in the public weal of your country, if ye bring them up and instruct them in such form as in this book is declared, they shall then seem to all men worthy to be in authority, honour, and noblesse, and all that is under their governance shall prosper and come to perfection. And as a precious stone in a rich ouche they shall be beholden and wondered at, and after the death of their body their souls for their endeavor shall be incomprehensibly rewarded of the giver of wisdom, to whom only be given eternal glory.

Amen.